The Origin of Property in Land: With an introductory chapter on the English manor by W. J. AshleyFustel de Coulanges
History
The Origin of Property in Land: With an introductory chapter on the English manor by W. J. Ashley
Fustel de Coulanges
Land tenure -- Law and legislation -- History; Manors -- Great Britain; Real property -- History
There are, therefore, many reasons for maintaining the permanence in
Britain of the _villa_ organisation; and we have seen above that while
there are no clear traces of the _free_ community, there are traces
of what is afterwards called the manor, within a couple of centuries
after the English conquest. These two lines of argument converge toward
the conclusion that the manorial system dates in the main from the
period of Roman rule. But this conclusion does not absolutely determine
the other question, which has been so warmly debated, as to the race
to which we are to assign the mass of the later population. It is
expedient to narrow our inquiry to the southern and midland shires of
England; leaving out of consideration not only Wales, but also the
south-western peninsula, in which there is undoubtedly a preponderance
of Celtic blood, and those eastern and northern counties in which there
was a considerable Danish settlement. When we have solved the main
problem, it will be early enough to consider these lesser difficulties.
Unfortunately, even on the main problem there is much to be done before
we can venture on a positive answer; and there need be no haste to
come to a decision. For the economic historian the question is one
of subordinate importance. If he is allowed to take for his starting
point, as the result of recent discussion, that English social history
began with (1) the manor, (2) a population of dependent cultivators,
it matters but little to him what may have been the origin of the
population. The present position of the question may, however, be
stated in some such way as this. We can hardly suppose a continuity in
system unless a considerable number of the old cultivators were left to
work it. The reasonableness of such a supposition has been obscured
by its unfortunate association by certain writers with the wild
idea that the whole fabric of Roman society and political machinery
survived the English conquest. There is absolutely no good evidence
for such a survival; and Mr. Freeman has justly pointed out[32] that,
had it been the case, the subsequent history of Britain would have
resembled that of Gaul, instead of forming a marked contrast to it.
But the disappearance of the Roman political organisation, and the
destruction on the battlefield of Roman or Romanised land-_owners_,
is not inconsistent with the undisturbed residence upon the rural
estates of the great body of actual labourers. The English had been
far less touched by Roman civilisation than the Franks; they met with
a resistance incomparably more determined than that offered by the
Provincials to the barbarians in any other part of the empire; and they
remained Pagan for more than a century after the invasion. These facts
sufficiently explain the savagery which distinguished the English from
the Frankish invasion. But however terrible the English may have been
in their onslaught, it was obviously for their interest, while taking
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