The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
Under such circumstances what was the government for the political
classes? A coach in a land of brigands; for the most popular elements
a coach to be attacked on the roadside; for the better elements, a
coach they had a right to drive, whip in hand. Every man stood up
against the government either begging or threatening; so that it is no
wonder that the next generation of gentlemen mostly stood aside and
shunned politics, seeing that at best the men who mixed in it were
moved by selfish ambition, or were a vulgar crew of Arrivists and
mischief plotters. Abstention on the one side was, however, a form
of selfishness, as harmful to the state as Arrivism on the other.
Provided they kept clean hands, the abstentionists did not mind that
the national conscience should be either corrupted or lulled to sleep
by the people whose interest it was that it should slumber. Obviously
their withdrawal from public life had the same cause as the ambition
and the unscrupulous opportunism of the others. After fifty years of
heroic life and feelings, they wanted to attend to their own business
and enjoy life privately. Public cares and struggles had been the order
of the day for half a century, and public conscience relaxed; with
a sudden eclipse of national consciousness, Italy lost the pride of
autonomy in foreign affairs and ceased to realise in deeds the part it
had to play in the history of the world.
Its foreign policy is the best index of the spiritual conditions of the
period, and according to the historian, Michele Rosi (who is neither
a Fascist nor a Liberal, nor a Socialist, because he is a man born to
put together facts, historical facts, and live a passionate life among
them instead of living it among men) the line of conduct of Italian
foreign ministers at this stage can be described as the policy of men
who distrusted themselves more then they distrusted others. Rosi does
not say so, but the facts he puts together do say so.
Of this the best proof was the Triple Alliance. In 1873 Marco Minghetti
went with King Vittorio Emmanuele II to Berlin and to Vienna to discuss
a second alliance with Germany and more cordial relations with the
Austrian court. The followers of Garibaldi raised an outcry as they
saw in this a sure proof that the King of Italy was giving up Trento
and Trieste, whereas it had never been thought in the past that Rome
or Venice might have been so abandoned. In Parliament, however, the
Left was quite willing to lean on the shoulder of Germany, and was
submitting even to an alliance with Austria, although some of the
members had dark remembrances of its rule. But at the same time they
flirted with France, who was going more and more to the Left, and whose
anti-clericalism seemed to cheer on their own anti-Catholicism.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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