The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
In 1877 Francesco Crispi, the best statesman of Italy at the time,
one of those men of the Left whose mentality brought them mostly to
think and often to act as if they had belonged to the Right, made
a diplomatic tour to the capitals of Germany, Austria, France and
England. He had one open aim, and another one not quite so fully
acknowledged, which was to look for support against a possible
aggression that was feared both from Paris and Vienna. The impression
he received was that Berlin might accept an alliance with Italy
against France, on the understanding that Austria would be left free
to do what she liked in the East. Thirty years before, Italy, still
in the making and far from seeing yet her way to unity, had attacked
single-handed the greatest empire of Europe in an offensive war; now,
out of fear of a possible attack from France, which Bismarck himself
declared very unlikely, she entered into an alliance from which she
received only orders and prohibitions. When the Congress of Berlin took
place, all that the representative of Italy could do was of so little
avail, that the Germans declared that the French and the Italians
had to settle the question of Tunis between themselves. This did not
admit of any compensation to Italy for the Austrian occupation of
Bosnia-Herzegovina and expansion in the East. The Italian policy at
that congress betrayed a total incapacity to display the policy of a
great State in foreign affairs. The reasons were threefold, the men in
power had a very poor understanding of the forces and the interests of
the country and, in consequence, could not act according to these; they
were holding on to ideologies, that had served their time and whose
high-sounding rhetoric could only help them to hide the vacuum of their
minds; finally, they had a sense that their home affairs were getting
more and more out of hand and this feeling may have been the most
cramping of all the circumstances in which they stood.
Negative as it was, the attitude of the government was in harmony with
that of Parliament. When, in January, 1879, the Senate disapproved
of its foreign policy, the head of the government, who was Depretis,
shifted all responsibility by saying that, as Prime Minister, he
had in that department followed faithfully the traditions of the
Right, although he belonged to the Left. In February of the same
year, Mussolino strongly advised them to enter into an alliance with
Germany; he knew, said he, that Bismarck would accept it unwillingly,
as he believed the Italians to be unfaithful, but that he would do
so nevertheless, needing Italy against France. Nothing could be less
heroic, than a Senate which had good grounds to feel pride in the newly
achieved national independence, and was yet so low spirited that it
could accept an alliance on such grounds.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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