The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
The ideal of the Risorgimento had been realised, and as the new
leaders _had no new ideals_ they had nothing further to realise; they
were bodies without souls, with nothing that might give them a chance
to display the gifts with which nature had so largely endowed them.
Materialists in philosophy they strove to make the country more and
more materialist, fighting religion under the names of clericalism and
obscurantism.
Obviously what kept the various governments of Italy from having a
dignified foreign policy was that the country was in a state bordering
on anarchy. One cause of this was lack of experts in all the political
classes, devoid, as the best men were, of personal or traditional
experience to help in the application of their imported legislation;
but the main cause was undoubtedly the amorphous state of the working
classes. If man is to be called a political animal, the labourers of
Italy were not men fifty years ago. They did not care what happened
and did not think they had anything to say in the matter: they were
politically unconscious. Not that they were stupid: their art, their
songs, their traditions attest the contrary.
Their political unconsciousness, far from making things easier,
rendered a good Liberal government very nearly impossible; for apathy
and indifference in the lower class, while it may be very well under an
absolute monarchy of the patriarchal type, under a Liberal constitution
is apt to prove a curse. First, the lower middle class kept drawing men
from the people, and these men, with the natural gift of adaptation the
Italian shows to a greater degree than the slower northern races, rose
too quickly and too quickly became conscious of their plebian force and
of the opportunities offered to them by the difficulties under which
the government was working. Among these men and among the crowds of
half-intellectuals employed by the State in the innumerable offices
created by the centralising administration, in the national schools, in
the railways, post services and so on, the members of Parliament, who
belonged to the Left, recruited their votes. How quickly these electors
realised that their chances of getting all the political importance
in their hands rested on the extension of the franchise need not be
emphasised. The dates are eloquent, Rome became the capital of Italy
in 1870, in 1882 the franchise is extended, and immediately a workman,
Maffi, and a pure Socialist, Andrea Costa, are elected.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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