The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politicsLion, Aline
Philosophy
The pedigree of fascism : $b A popular essay on the Western philosophy of politics
Lion, Aline
Italy -- Politics and government -- 1914-1945; Partito nazionale fascista (Italy); Political science; State, The
Citizenship becomes, finally, with the whole of political reality, a
moral, spiritual and Christian reality, and the only real equality of
men can be attained in a State in which each man is rated according
to actual value. For citizenship, taken as a birthright of man, is a
remains of Pagan times, when it was the lot of some to be born slaves
and of some to be born citizens.
CHAPTER II
LIBERALISM IN ITALY
For the foreigner interested in the political affairs of Italy a study
of the pedigree of the two elements of Fascism is essential in order
to distinguish what is exclusively Italian from what is to become
universal. It is therefore necessary to trace, or at least attempt to
trace, this pedigree in spite of the difficulty of the task.
Fascism presents itself at first as being essentially the expression of
the national consciousness of Italy. So it is; but it must be stated
at once that it is the national consciousness recently acquired by the
people of Italy, which, like an uncontrollable force, has worked itself
out, taking Fascism as its expression. Without this distinction the
student is induced by its nationalist character to see in the present
movement the last act of the long drama of wars and agitations that
led to the independence and unification of the country. The truth is,
that though it is practically the epilogue of that drama, Fascism
cannot be identified with the Risorgimento. The spirit which animated
the men of the days of Cavour and Garibaldi is totally and essentially
different from that which impels the followers of Mussolini to act as
they do. The wars of independence were due to the initiative of an
aristocratic minority; whose aristocratic and intellectual qualities
distinguished them and perhaps ensured their success. The leaders
of the Risorgimento were not hampered by anything like a popular
following; and their eventual agreement as to what was best for their
cause was always made certain by this intellectual selectness. All were
able, like Garibaldi and Mazzini, to see things as they were and to act
accordingly, not only to the extent of sacrificing their lives but of
sacrificing their dearest ideals as well. Republicans, they accepted
monarchy; ministers, of their own free will they relinquished power to
place it in hands they thought more fit than their own to realise their
dream; staunch Catholics, during their life they fought the Church
in its temporal politics, in an age when the best educated priests
would not admit and could not even see the possibility of distinction
between temporal and spiritual power. Only religious and idealistic men
can realise by how much such sacrifices surpassed for them the gift
of money, liberty, or even life. There is one English word that sums
up what these Italian liberators were, whether noblemen, solicitors,
writers, professors, officers, doctors: they were _gentlemen_ of good
classical education and wide reading who had assimilated what was best
in Europe.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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