The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min Chu ILinebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
History
The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min Chu I
Linebarger, Paul Myron Anthony
Sun, Yat-sen, 1866-1925. San min zhu yi
It would be impossible even to enumerate the many posts and types of
organization in the administration of imperial China.(46) Its most
conspicuous features may be enumerated as follows: China consisted of half
a million cities, towns, villages, and hamlets, each to a large extent
autonomous.(47) These were divided among, roughly, two thousand _hsien_,
in each of which an over-burdened District Magistrate sought to carry out
all the recognized functions of government in so far as they applied to
his locality. He did this largely by negotiation with the leaders of the
social groups in his bailiwick, the heads of families, the elders of
villages, the functionaries of _hui_. He was supervised by a variety of
travelling prefects and superintendents, but the next officer above him
who possessed a high degree of independence was the viceroy or
governor—whichever type happened to rule the province or group of
provinces. Except for their non-hereditability, these last offices were to
all intents and purposes satrapies. The enormous extent of the Chinese
civilized world, the difficulty of communicating with the capital, the
cumbersomeness of the administrative organization, the rivalry and
unfriendliness between the inhabitants of various provinces—all these
encouraged independence of a high degree. If Chinese society was divided
into largely autonomous communes, the Chinese political system was made up
of largely autonomous provinces. Everywhere there was elasticity.
At the top of the whole structure stood the Emperor. In the mystical
doctrines which Confucianism transmitted from the animism of the feudal
ages of China, the Emperor was the intermediary between the forces of
nature and mankind. The Son of Heaven became the chief ritualist; in more
sophisticated times he was the patron of civilization to the scholars, and
the object of supernatural veneration to the uneducated. His function was
to provide a constant pattern of propriety. He was to act as chief of the
scholars. To the scholars the ideology was recognized as an ideology,
albeit the most exact one; to the common people it was an objective
reality of thought and value. As the dictates of reason were not subject
to change, the power and the functions of the Emperor were delimited; he
was not, therefore, responsible to himself alone. He was responsible to
reason, which the people could enforce when the Emperor failed. Popular
intervention was regarded as _de jure_ in proportion to its effectiveness
_de facto_. The Imperial structure might be called, in Western terms, the
constitutionalism of common sense.(48) The Dragon Throne did not enjoy the
mysterious and awful prestige which surrounds the modern Tenno of Nippon;
although sublime in the Confucian theory, it was, even in the theory, at
the mercy of its subjects, who were themselves the arbiters of reason.
There was no authority higher than reason; and no reason beyond the reason
discovered and made manifest in the ages of antiquity.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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