The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican Council — John Shaqi
The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican CouncilArthur, William
History
The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican Council
Arthur, William
Catholic Church -- History -- 19th century; Papacy -- History -- 1799-1870; Pius IX, Pope, 1792-1878; Popes -- Infallibility; Popes -- Temporal power; Vatican Council (1st : 1869-1870 : Basilica di San Pietro in Vaticano)
The writer then asks, But who is to determine what is the lie?
Governments? "Until a government can show itself infallible, it must
renounce all pretensions to regulate instruction and opinion." The
pretension on its part to do so is tyrannical, because interference
here is trespassing on the sanctuary, where the truth alone bears rule.
The position that it belongs to a government to fix the limits
of freedom of opinion is denounced as having originated in the
Reformation, as being Protestant, and, further, as being destitute
of foundation. The Church is the moderator of instruction, precisely
because she is the infallible moderator of opinions in all that relates
to the moral order. Consequently there is in existence a competent,
effectual, and revered tribunal. Then follow taunts at journals which
complain of communal authorities for giving up their educational rights
to the clergy. These are succeeded by jeers at such statesmen as doubt
if the liberty of communal authorities extends so far as to give them
the right of surrendering their liberty.
The objection is then faced, that liberty may be as justly claimed by
the non-Catholic as by the Catholic. Of course, replies the _Civiltá_,
the only case in which that question can become a practical one for
Catholics is where they form the majority. Is it to be supposed that
a majority shall be bound, for the sake of a minority "to pass a law
opening all the pits of hell for its fellow-citizens?... With Catholics
the liberty of dissidents cannot be a natural right."
The position taken by statesmen, that the Church is not infallible in
politics and economy, and that therefore these subjects must be under
the control of the State, is first laughed at. It reminds the writer of
a musketeer who should say to his general, "I see that your artillery
is of no avail against these Alps; let us open upon them with our
rifles." After this comes the principle. The assertion that politics
and economy ought to be under the control of the State rests on one or
other of three errors: (1) Politics and economy do not belong to the
moral sciences; or, (2) The moral sciences are not subject to moral
laws; or, (3) The Church is not the authentic exponent of moral law.
The first of these errors is refuted by every university in Europe, in
all of which politics and economy are classed among the moral sciences.
The second is a contradiction in terms. The third is a heresy in every
Catholic ear.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account