The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican Council — John Shaqi
The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican CouncilArthur, William
History
The Pope, the Kings and the People: A History of the Movement to Make the Pope Governor of the World by a Universal Reconstruction of Society from the Issue of the Syllabus to the Close of the Vatican Council
Arthur, William
Catholic Church -- History -- 19th century; Papacy -- History -- 1799-1870; Pius IX, Pope, 1792-1878; Popes -- Infallibility; Popes -- Temporal power; Vatican Council (1st : 1869-1870 : Basilica di San Pietro in Vaticano)
It will help to a clear understanding of many expressions which must
occur hereafter, if the reader, at this stage, will set before his
mind's eye the scope of the three principles here asserted. Phillips,
a modern lay doctor, quoted by the humblest polemic and the mighty
_Civiltá_, in his seven volumes on ecclesiastical law (_Kirchenrecht_),
discusses the relations of Church and State at great length. He shows
that the Church is supreme and the State subordinate, in all things
that come under the _divine laws_. Holtgreven, a Catholic judge, and an
opponent of the Falk laws, explains this clearly: "To the divine laws,
in this sense, belong, not only the ten commandments, but also the
canons of the Church, as the Council of Trent shows. The things subject
to the divine laws include all such worldly things as are _connected_
with morality."[15]
This much is conceded by the _Civiltá_, that, if danger to the public
interests should arise from false teaching of any _material_ science,
the government may interfere, as it would in a case of adulteration of
food. The Church is not infallible in material instruction.
The article, it will be seen, claims the right to take the teaching of
the child out of the hand of the parent, and that of the subject out of
the hand of the State.[16] The latter may mix itself up in the matter
as to material things, not as to moral. Royal supremacy, in university,
college, seminary, or primary school, must not be allowed. It has
the twofold evil of setting the authority and responsibility of the
parent for his child above that of the priest, and of setting the local
authority of the national ruler above the all-embracing authority of
the universal one. The State is not only welcome to appear in school,
but ought to appear in its subordinate capacity, finding money, secular
status, and instruction in _material_ things. But in all that part
of schooling which may be called education in the higher sense, of a
father, a Christian, or a king, the State is not to have a word to say.
It would seem difficult to ask a community to do an action involving
a more serious disregard of moral considerations than to find money
and power for schools and colleges, and not have a word to say as
to the principles taught in them. We are far from ascribing such a
disregard of moral considerations to a devout Ultramontane. On the
contrary, he is persuaded that the State, in committing its money and
authority to the Church, takes not only the highest human guarantee,
but a truly divine one, for the protection of every moral interest. The
motto of the article is a sentence intimating that, all over Europe,
the question of the future must be the establishment of universities
canonically instituted.[17]
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