That the Reconstruction Acts required communities not states to ratify a
constitutional amendment did not affect their legality. That an amendment
depended for its validity on such ratification might make the amendment
void (though even from this result there is a means of escape in the
theory of relation, to be mentioned later), but that would not affect the
act requiring the ratification. That this requirement was not made with
the exclusive purpose of obtaining votes for the passage of the amendment
is shown by a resolution introduced into the House of Representatives on
July 21, 1867, which reads:
_Resolved_, That in ratifying amendments to the Constitution of the
United States ... the said several states ... are wholly incapable
either of accepting or rejecting any such amendment so as to bind the
loyal states of the Union, ... and that when any amendment ... shall
be adopted by three-fourths of the states recognized by the Congress
as lawfully entitled to do so, ... the same shall become thereby a
part of the Constitution.[81]
What virtues the Reconstruction Acts had besides legal regularity will be
discussed later.
CHAPTER IV
THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF POPE AND MEADE
In the Third Military District, of which Georgia was a part, the
Reconstruction Acts were administered from April 1, 1867, to January 6,
1868, by General Pope, and from January 6 to July 30, 1868, by General
Meade.[82] The present chapter will describe, first, the manner in which
these men conducted the political rebuilding of Georgia, and second, the
manner in which they governed during this process.
On April 8 Pope issued his first orders regarding the registration of
voters. The three officers commanding respectively in the sub-districts of
Georgia, Florida and Alabama were directed to divide the territory under
them into registration districts, and for each of these to appoint a board
of registry consisting as far as possible of civilians.[83] On May 2 the
scheme of districts for Georgia was published. The state was divided into
forty-four districts of three counties each, and three districts of a city
each. For each district the names of two white registrars were announced,
and each of these pairs was ordered to complete the board by selecting a
negro colleague. The compensation of registrars was to be from fifteen
cents to forty cents for every name registered, varying according to the
density or sparseness of the population. It was made the duty of
registrars to explain to those unused to the enjoyment of suffrage the
nature of this function. After the lists were complete they were to be
published for ten days.[84]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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