The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
Yet amid all these acts of violence and treachery, Napoleon had still
kept before them the idea of a separate kingdom of Italy, if not in
the present, then in the not distant future. If Napoleon failed them,
Eugène Beauharnais might realise the ideal with which his step-father
had mocked them; if Eugène Beauharnais proved false, King Joachim of
Naples might lead them to freedom.
And then, most wonderful of all! came the announcement that the
Austrian might become, in his turn, the liberator. In 1809, Archduke
John had promised to the Italians, in the name of the Emperor Francis,
"a Constitution founded on the nature of things, and a frontier
inaccessible to any foreign rule. Europe well knows," continued the
Archduke, "that the word of this Prince is sacred, and that it is as
unchangeable as it is pure. It is Heaven that speaks by his mouth."
General Nugent, the leader of the Austrian forces, followed up this
proclamation, at a later time, by equally strong promises of Italian
independence, and as late as April 26, 1814, Lord William Bentinck,
the founder of the Sicilian Constitution of 1812, had added his
guarantee for the liberty, prosperity, and independence of Italy.
The Italians, therefore, had some hopes of justice from the Powers of
Europe. These were shaken by the Congress of Vienna; and the Lombards
received a new shock when they found how unreal were even the seeming
concessions made by that Congress. A central Congregation of Lombardy,
which had no power of initiating reforms, and hardly leave to utter
complaints, was the sole embodiment of the principle of Italian
independence; and the "frontier guaranteed against the foreigner" was
unable to exclude, not only Austrian soldiers from the garrisons of
Lombardy, but even Austrian judges from her tribunals, and Austrian
professors from her universities; secret tribunals tried Lombards,
who were arrested for they knew not what cause; taxes out of all
proportion to the size of Lombardy drained the country for the benefit
of other parts of the empire; and police dogged the footsteps of the
most distinguished citizens.
Nor could Lombardy be even certain of her own sons. The wisest
Lombards might well have been confused by the rapid changes of
government which had taken place in the short space of eighteen years.
They had seen Austrian tyranny give place to a Cis-Alpine Republic;
they had passed from republican rule by somewhat confused stages under
the despotism of Napoleon, a despotism which had in its turn to give
way to the freer rule of Eugène Beauharnais; and lastly they had seen
Beauharnais overthrown, and Austrian rule restored in a more crushing
form than before.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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