The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
But a still more fatal cause of division was the attitude of Sicily.
The news of the proclamation of the Spanish Constitution had, at
first, been welcomed there; but the nobles of Palermo cherished the
recollection of that short time of independence when Ferdinand, driven
out of Naples, had ruled Sicily as a separate kingdom; the Sicilian
Constitution of 1812, which was welcome to the nobles of Palermo, as
more aristocratic in its character than the Spanish Constitution,
was acceptable to all the Palermitans as the symbol of Sicilian
independence. The cry, therefore, of "the Constitution of 1812"
was raised in Palermo, in opposition to the cry of "the Spanish
Constitution."
A Neapolitan intriguer, named Naselli, did his best to fan the flame
of this division; riots arose; and the news spread to Naples that the
Sicilians were enemies of Naples, and were opposing the Spanish
Constitution. The Palermitans, on their part, appealed to the King by
the memory of the old fidelity which the Sicilians had shown him when
he was in exile. The King, and some others, might have responded to
this appeal; and General Florestano Pepe, who was sent to suppress the
rising, ended by conceding to the Sicilians the right of deciding by
popular vote between the two Constitutions. But the Neapolitan pride
was excited; a cry arose that the King was surrendering an important
part of the kingdom, and thereby violating the Constitution.
In the meantime, however, it had become clear that the preference of
the Palermitans for the Constitution of 1812 was not shared by the
whole body of the Sicilian people. Messina, followed by other towns,
rose on behalf of the Spanish Constitution; and, while the Neapolitans
were preparing new forces to suppress the rising in Palermo, the
Palermitans were sending their troops against Messina.
During this state of confusion the news arrived that the
representatives of the Powers at the Congress of Laybach had urged
pacific means of intervention, but at the same time had advised the
Neapolitans to modify their Constitution.
Under these circumstances, considerable alarm was caused by the news
that the King intended to go to Laybach. Ferdinand, to check this
alarm, declared to the Parliament that, whatever happened, he would
defend the fundamental principles of the Constitution, freedom of the
press, equality before the law, sole right of representatives to vote
taxes, independence of judicial power, and responsible ministry.
This speech, instead of calming the fears of the people, raised new
alarms; for it seemed as though the King were meditating already
_some_ changes in the Government; and the people declared that they
could only allow him to depart if he went to defend the Spanish
Constitution. But Ferdinand earnestly assured them that he had meant
nothing against the Constitution, and that, if he could not defend the
rights of the people and the crown by his words at Laybach, he would
return to defend them by his sword.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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