The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three YearsMaurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
History
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years
Maurice, C. Edmund (Charles Edmund)
Europe -- History -- 1848-1849; Revolutions -- Europe
The Duke of Ascoli, an old friend and confidant of the King, asked him
privately for more specific directions; and Ferdinand urged him to
try to maintain peace; but, if it should be necessary, to prepare for
war. With such promises, Ferdinand left Naples for Laybach in January,
1821.
In the meantime, the work of the Carbonari had been spreading in
Piedmont; and other sects of a similar character, and with more
definite objects, had sprung up by their side. Unlike the Neapolitans,
the Piedmontese Liberals had no French political traditions, either to
encourage or to hamper them. Although the House of Savoy was French
in its origin, both rulers and people had been forward in their
resistance to the aggressions of the French Republic. Their ideas of
liberty were derived, not from France, but from their own poet,
Vittorio Alfieri; and these ideas had been strengthened by the love of
independence which they had developed in the struggle against France,
and which was now wholly directed against Austria.
The risings in Spain and Naples had attracted the sympathies of the
Piedmontese; and it was even rumoured that Victor Emmanuel I. himself
had said that if his people demanded a Constitution he would grant it.
His minister, Prospero Balbo, who had previously served under
Napoleon, was supposed to have Liberal leanings.
But while all these circumstances tended to connect the desire
for liberty in the minds of the Piedmontese with the support of
monarchical principles, and while the absence of any interest in
political affairs on the part of the peasantry, or the artizans,
prevented any strong democratic organization, it was yet necessary, if
the movement was to be successful, that there should be some leader
who was not afraid of revolutionary measures. Such a man was Santorre
di Santa Rosa, an officer who had fought in the royal guard against
the French, and who was now a major of infantry in Turin. His
sympathies were not only monarchical, but in some respects even
aristocratic; and when the Spanish Constitution was first proclaimed,
he was inclined to prefer some other Constitution like that of Sicily,
or even the charter which had been granted in France. But, with keen
insight, he quickly perceived that the Spanish Constitution had become
a watchword which was thoroughly understood by the people, and that
any new cry would only cause division.
Nor were the designs of Santa Rosa limited to his own State. He knew
that no struggle for Piedmontese liberty could be successful which did
not aim at throwing off the yoke of Austria; and that that could
only be done by combining with the other States, which were groaning
under the same oppression. The patriots of Lombardy were willing
enough to act with the Piedmontese, for Confalonieri was already in
communication with the Neapolitans and other Italian Liberals, and was
ready to provide arms for the rising.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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