The Russian Revolution; The Jugo-Slav MovementPetrunkevitch, Alexander
History
The Russian Revolution; The Jugo-Slav Movement
Petrunkevitch, Alexander
Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921; Soviet Union -- Politics and government -- 1917-1936; Yugoslavs
The food situation was very serious. For many years, Russia had been
the granary of Europe but during the winter of 1916-17 suffered from
shortage of food. Passengers told how in southern Russia grain and flour
were rotting and yet in northern Russia the inhabitants were starving
owing to the breakdown of the transportation system. It was pointed out
that while the railway officials refused to give cars for bringing in
the necessities of life, yet articles of luxury, expensive fruits, and
such things did come into the city--a state of affairs which meant,
of course, that some one was grafting. Sugar could be obtained only by
cards and in very limited quantities; flour could not be bought at all,
and black, sour bread could often be had only by standing in long lines
and for hours at a time. There were no shoes and people asked what
became of the hides of the thousands of animals that were annually
slaughtered and shot. It was said that these, like other things, were
sold to Germany.
As usual the poorer classes suffered the most. The well-to-do sent their
servants who after a time returned with bread; at the worst it was only
an inconvenience, but the workman had no servants to run his errands.
In the morning, the laborer left his home for his work with little or
no breakfast, at noon there was no luncheon for him because his wife was
standing in the bread or sugar line, and when he returned in the evening
there may have been bread enough but little else. The wife was tired and
discouraged, the children crying and hungry, and life became a burden.
We may say that the conditions in Russia were no worse than in France
or Germany. This is doubtless true, but there is this difference:
the people of France and Germany had confidence in their leaders and
realized that they were doing the best that they could, while the
Russians knew they could put no trust in their Government, that the
suffering was unnecessary and was due to corruption, favoritism, and
incompetency. The Russians have as much patriotism and patience as any
other people, but when they saw themselves abused and imposed upon they
had a right to complain.
In addition to the criticism of the Government the other favorite topic
of conversation was the revolution that would come after the war. This
was discussed as openly as the problems of war; the two were bound up
together, first a successful ending of the war, and then a change in
government.
This public denunciation and open discussion of a _coup d'etat_ came
as a shock to me, for I remembered quite vividly how the same people
cheered the Emperor when he declared war. Three years ago no one would
have dared to talk like that. To be sure enough was said then of
the desirability of a more liberal government, but it was a far-off
question, one that the next generation might have to deal with. Now the
talk was of an overturn immediately after the war.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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