Collectivism; Economic history; Great Britain -- Economic policy; Industrial policy; Social history; Socialism
The Executive (which in those days meant the _King_) would have had a
greater opportunity for crushing the resistance of the wealthy, for backing
its political power with economic power, and for ordering the social life
of its subjects than any other executive in Christendom.
Had Henry VIII and his successors kept the land thus confiscated, the power
of the French Monarchy, at which we are astonished, would have been nothing
to the power of the English.
The King of England would have had in his own hands an instrument of
control of the most absolute sort. He would presumably have used it, as a
strong central government always does, for the weakening of the wealthier
classes, and to the indirect advantage of the mass of the people. At any
rate, it would have been a very different England indeed from the England
we know, if the King had held fast to his own after the dissolution of the
monasteries.
Now it is precisely here that the capital point in this great revolution
appears. _The King failed to keep the lands he had seized._ That class of
large landowners which already existed and controlled, as I have said,
anything from a quarter to a third of the agricultural values of England,
were too strong for the monarchy. They insisted upon land being granted to
themselves, sometimes freely, sometimes for ridiculously small sums, and
they were strong enough in Parliament, and through the local administrative
power they had, to see that their demands were satisfied. Nothing that the
Crown let go ever went back to the Crown, and year after year more and more
of what had once been the monastic land became the absolute possession of
the large landowners.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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