Collectivism; Economic history; Great Britain -- Economic policy; Industrial policy; Social history; Socialism
The process was in full swing before Henry died. Unfortunately for England,
he left as his heir a sickly child, during the six years of whose reign,
from 1547 to 1553, the loot went on at an appalling rate. When he died and
Mary came to the throne it was nearly completed. A mass of new families had
arisen, wealthy out of all proportion to anything which the older England
had known, and bound by a common interest to the older families which had
joined in the grab. Every single man who sat in Parliament for a country
required his price for voting the dissolution of the monasteries; every
single man received it. A list of the members of the Dissolution Parliament
is enough to prove this, and, apart from their power in Parliament, this
class had a hundred other ways of insisting on their will. The Howards
(already of some lineage), the Cavendishes, the Cecils, the Russels, and
fifty other new families thus rose upon the ruins of religion; and the
process went steadily on until, about one hundred years after its
inception, the whole face of England was changed.
In the place of a powerful Crown disposing of revenues far greater than
that of any subject, you had a Crown at its wit's end for money, and
dominated by subjects some of whom were its equals in wealth, and who
could, especially through the action of Parliament (which they now
controlled), do much what they willed with Government.
In other words, by the first third of the seventeenth century, by 1630--40,
the economic revolution was finally accomplished, and the new economic
reality thrusting itself upon the old traditions of England was a powerful
oligarchy of large owners overshadowing an impoverished and dwindled
monarchy.
Other causes had contributed to this deplorable result. The change in the
value of money had hit the Crown very hard;[2] the peculiar history of the
Tudor family, their violent passions, their lack of resolution and of any
continuous policy, to some extent the character of Charles I himself, and
many another subsidiary cause may be quoted. But the great main fact upon
which the whole thing is dependent is the fact that the Monastic Lands, at
least a fifth of the wealth of the country, had been transferred to the
great landowners, and that this transference had tipped the scale over
entirely in their favour as against the peasantry.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account