The slave trade : $b Slavery and colorJervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
History
The slave trade : $b Slavery and color
Jervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
African Americans; Slave trade -- United States; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Race relations
Yet as extreme as the above is, it is quite probable that the
extravagance and injustice of the declaration against slavery in the
Southern States, had exasperated those supporting it to utterances as
extravagant.
In the opening of the year 1850 a resolution of the Legislature of
Vermont was introduced in Congress which recited:
“That slavery is a crime against humanity, and a sore evil in the body
politic, that was excused by the framers of the Federal Constitution
as a crime entailed upon the country by their predecessors, and
tolerated solely as a thing of inexorable necessity.”[76]
How Southern men must have felt this it is almost impossible for us
to appreciate today. It was not only an indictment of the South at
a bar where there was no provision for a trial; but it ended in a
hypocritical falsehood; for slavery had not been, “tolerated solely
as a thing of inexorable necessity.” Existing in every State except
Massachusetts, the question whether the existing condition could
be affected by permission to increase the slaves for a period by
importation was committed with the clauses relating to taxes on exports
and to a Navigation Act, that these things might “form a bargain
between the Northern and Southern States.”
This motion by Gouverneur Morris, of Pennsylvania, was adopted by
the vote of seven of the eleven States in Convention, against three
opposing and one abstaining from voting, one of the delegates whereof
seconded the motion of Pinckney to increase the period permitting
importation, which he with one of the opponents of commitment voted
for; so that actually slavery, with the right to increase it by the
Slave Trade, was voted for by nine out of eleven States participating.
The Vermont resolution accomplished nothing; but to no individual in
Congress could it have inflicted such a wound as it dealt to Calhoun.
To him resolutions were of enormous importance, and yet he never seemed
quite ready to follow them up with acts. He was at last in the grasp
of that power which overcomes all things except God. Twelve years had
elapsed since he had been called upon to decide between the policy of
Hayne, based upon the effort to bind together in close commercial
intercourse the leading Western and Southern States, by a railroad
from Ohio to South Carolina, and the resolution of Rhett, to amend the
Constitution or dissolve the Union.
To neither could he agree. For Hayne’s connection with Ohio through
North Carolina, he substituted a connection with Arkansas through
Georgia.
To the warning of his closest intimate that it was “better to part
peaceably than to live in the state of indecision we do,” he could only
reply with the vague allusion to:
“The many bleeding pores which must be taken up in passing the knife
through a body politic, in order to make two of one, which had
been so long bound together by so many ties, political, social and
commercial.”[77]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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