The slave trade : $b Slavery and colorJervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
History
The slave trade : $b Slavery and color
Jervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
African Americans; Slave trade -- United States; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Race relations
In this declaration there is unmistakably intense feeling for the
Union; but also some indecision; for what could have been a more
practical application of Calhoun’s teaching than Rhett’s amendment to
Slade’s bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia? That was a
resolution upon which some strong action could be erected. Twelve years
had passed, nothing had been done, and now came the resolution of the
Vermont Legislature. In the first shock which it gave him, Calhoun was
unjust to his own following. He said:
“Mr. President, I intended not to say a word on this subject. I have
long labored faithfully to repress the encroachments of the North, at
the commencement I saw where it would end and must end; and I despair
of ever seeing it ended in Congress. It will go to its end, for
gentlemen have already yielded to the current of the North which they
admit they cannot resist, Sir, what the South will do is not for me to
say. They will meet it, in my opinion, as it ought to be met.”[78]
A month later he reviewed the political situation in a most elaborate
and searching analysis, his last great speech, read for him by Senator
Mason, of Virginia. “How Can the Union be Preserved?” In endeavoring
to give an “answer to this great question,” he asserted that the
discontent of the South was due to the fact that political power had
been taken from that section and transferred to the North, not through
natural causes, but by legislation which could be classed under three
heads, the first of which was exclusion from common territory; second
a system of revenue under which an undue portion of the burden of
taxation had been imposed upon the South, and the proceeds appropriated
to the North; third a system of measures changing the original
character of the government. The result, he claimed, had been a change
from a Constitutional Federal Republic to the despotism of a numerical
majority in which a question of vital importance to the minority was
threatened:
“The relation between the races in the Southern section ... which
cannot be destroyed without subjecting the two races to the greatest
calamity, and the section to poverty, desolation and wretchedness.”[79]
Whether right or wrong, the first of these claims had been settled by
the Missouri Compromise in 1820, which the South had acquiesced in.
The second Calhoun, himself, had undertaken to right in 1832, and if
there had been a failure it was due in some measure to his inability to
diagnose with sufficient accuracy the situation at that time.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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