The social contract & discoursesRousseau, Jean-Jacques
Philosophy
The social contract & discourses
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques
Economics; Political science -- Early works to 1800; Social contract
But I am mistaken in speaking of a Christian republic; the terms
are mutually exclusive. Christianity preaches only servitude and
dependence. Its spirit is so favourable to tyranny that it always
profits by such a _régime_. True Christians are made to be slaves,
and they know it and do not much mind: this short life counts for too
little in their eyes.
I shall be told that Christian troops are excellent. I deny it. Show
me an instance. For my part, I know of no Christian troops. I shall be
told of the Crusades. Without disputing the valour of the Crusaders,
I answer that, so far from being Christians, they were the priests'
soldiery, citizens of the Church. They fought for their spiritual
country, which the Church had, somehow or other, made temporal. Well
understood, this goes back to paganism: as the Gospel sets up no
national religion, a holy war is impossible among Christians.
Under the pagan emperors, the Christian soldiers were brave; every
Christian writer affirms it, and I believe it: it was a case of
honourable emulation of the pagan troops. As soon as the emperors were
Christian, this emulation no longer existed, and, when the Cross had
driven out the eagle, Roman valour wholly disappeared.
But, setting aside political considerations, let us come back to what
is right, and settle our principles on this important point. The right
which the social compact gives the Sovereign over the subjects does
not, we have seen, exceed the limits of public expediency.[5] The
subjects then owe the Sovereign an account of their opinions only to
such an extent as they matter to the community. Now, it matters very
much to the community that each citizen should have a religion. That
will make him love his duty; but the dogmas of that religion concern
the State and its members only so far as they have reference to
morality and to the duties which he who professes them is bound to do
to others. Each man may have, over and above, what opinions he pleases,
without it being the Sovereign's business to take cognisance of them;
for, as the Sovereign has no authority in the other world, whatever
the lot of its subjects may be in the life to come, that is not its
business, provided they are good citizens in this life.
There is therefore a purely civil profession of faith of which the
Sovereign should fix the articles, not exactly as religious dogmas, but
as social sentiments without which a man cannot be a good citizen or
a faithful subject.[6] While it can compel no one to believe them, it
can banish from the State whoever does not believe them--it can banish
him, not for impiety, but as an anti-social being, incapable of truly
loving the laws and justice, and of sacrificing, at need, his life to
his duty. If any one, after publicly recognising these dogmas, behaves
as if he does not believe them, let him be punished by death: he has
committed the worst of all crimes, that of lying before the law.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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