The social contract & discoursesRousseau, Jean-Jacques
Philosophy
The social contract & discourses
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques
Economics; Political science -- Early works to 1800; Social contract
In general, although the institution of the laws which regulate the
power of individuals in the disposition of their own goods belongs only
to the Sovereign, the spirit of these laws, which the government ought
to follow in their application, is that, from father to son, and from
relation to relation, the goods of a family should go as little out of
it and be as little alienated as possible. There is a sensible reason
for this in favour of children, to whom the right of property would be
quite useless, if the father left them nothing, and who besides, having
often contributed by their labour to the acquisition of their father's
wealth, are in their own right associates with him in his right of
property. But another reason, more distant, though not less important,
is that nothing is more fatal to morality and to the Republic than the
continual shifting of rank and fortune among the citizens: such changes
are both the proof and the source of a thousand disorders, and overturn
and confound everything; for those who were brought up to one thing
find themselves destined for another; and neither those who rise nor
those who fall are able to assume the rules of conduct, or to possess
themselves of the qualifications requisite for their new condition,
still less to discharge the duties it entails. I proceed to the object
of public finance.
If the people governed itself and there were no intermediary between
the administration of the State and the citizens, they would have no
more to do than to assess themselves occasionally, in proportion to
the public needs and the abilities of individuals: and as they would
all keep in sight the recovery and employment of such assessments, no
fraud or abuse could slip into the management of them; the State would
never be involved in debt, or the people over-burdened with taxes;
or at least the knowledge of how the money would be used would be a
consolation For the severity of the tax. But things cannot be carried
an in this manner: on the contrary, however small any State may be,
civil societies are always too populous to be under the immediate
government of all their members. It is necessary that the public money
should go through the hands of the rulers, all of whom have, besides
the interests of the State, their own individual interests, which are
not the last to be listened to. The people, on its side, perceiving
rather the cupidity and ridiculous expenditure of its rulers than the
public needs, murmurs at seeing itself stripped of necessaries to
furnish others with superfluities; and when once these complaints have
reached a certain degree of bitterness, the most upright administration
will find it impossible to restore confidence. In such a case,
voluntary contributions bring in nothing, and forced contributions
are illegitimate. This cruel alternative of letting the State perish,
or of violating the sacred right of property, which is its support,
constitutes the great difficulty of just and prudent economy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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