The Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. II., No. 11, October, 1836 — John Shaqi
The Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. II., No. 11, October, 1836Various
History
The Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. II., No. 11, October, 1836
Various
American literature -- 19th century -- Periodicals
This is the system of government to which the Judge refers us, as
containing the idea, in the fourth resolution, that senators ought “to
hold their offices for a term sufficient to insure their independence,
namely, seven years,” and that they ought to be “ineligible to state
or federal office _during their term of service_.” This resolution was
written with the avowed object of {685} keeping the state governments
from interfering in any way,—even by the allurements of office,—with
an officer who was designed to be an intrinsic part of an entirely
separate consolidated general government; and the _rejection_ of that
very system and the reasons assigned for it in the debates, prove,
beyond doubt, that the objection to it was because it left the states,
_as states_, and their governments and sovereignty, without
representation, and of course without protection. The Judge quotes a
_rejected_ clause, to prove the _adoption_ of its principles!
MR. MADISON was opposed to the amendment. He did not wish to leave the
state legislatures this modicum of federal power, because he wished a
distinct and _independent_ government. He must have foreseen the
exercise of instructions and recognized the right; or he could not
have used the expressions which fell from him when the right of
election was given to state legislatures. All who knew MR. MADISON, or
are at all familiar with his history, and his writings on the
formation of the constitution, must remember that he was haunted and
hag-ridden by a terror of disunion; and federal weakness, which, to
us, at the present day, would seem almost a monomania, if recent
startling events had not fearfully proven that this phantom is ever
armed and ready to assume a tangible shape, and realize, in practice,
those terrible consequences which his second-sighted sagacity could so
manifestly mark in the dim picture of the future. His fear of the
state legislatures led him to favor GOVERNOR RANDOLPH'S
proposition,—which was to have the senators selected by the house of
representatives, out of a certain number of persons nominated by the
state legislatures. This would have adroitly used the best possible
body for judicious nomination, without giving it the power of
appointment. Without representation, they would have been without the
right of instruction, and the election being made by the house of
representatives, the constitution of the senate would have had another
_national_ feature, and its members been removed as far as practicable
from state influence.
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