plan of campaign.
Again, comparing the time that was to come with that at this time
existing, Marmont writes to Berthier in 1812: “I arrived at the
headquarters of the north in January last: I did not find a grain
of corn in the magazine; nothing anywhere but debts; and a real or
fictitious scarcity, the natural result of the absurd system of
administration which has been adopted. Provisions for each day’s
consumption could only be obtained with arms in our hands. There is
a wide difference between that state and the possession of magazines
which can enable an army to move;” and later on: “The army of Portugal
at this season is incapable of acting, and if it advanced beyond the
frontier, it would be forced to return after a few days, having lost
all its horses. The Emperor has ordered great works at Salamanca; he
appears to forget that we have neither provisions to feed the workmen
nor money to pay them, and that we are in every sense on the verge of
starvation.”
What was true in Spain in 1812 must have been infinitely more so in
1644. The country was not rich in any way, and the armies were, for
a poor country, considerable. But another step forward in the art of
war is faintly indicated in the greater mobility, because more regular
attention to supply, that characterises the armies of the Civil War as
compared with those of York and Lancaster.
Thus the great Civil War terminated in a considerable change both in
the tactical and strategical condition of the army. It left behind
a true “army of the people,” such as England had never seen before,
and probably will never see again. If in previous wars the mass had
followed the lead of the few, in the middle of the seventeenth century
the Civil War had affected the mass and not the few only. There was
a greater feeling of individualism; and, unlike previous armies,
either of feudalism or of Saxondom, which was essentially more or less
the compulsory service of a militia, it was a force recruited by a
voluntary system. But this was of two kinds.
The soldiers of the king were essentially volunteers, serving very
largely without pay, or even contributing to the royal military chest;
those of his opponent were also voluntarily enlisted, but received pay
from the resources of the State, over which Parliament had the chief
control.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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