The trial of Emile Zola: containing M. Zola's letter to President Faure relating to the Dreyfus case, and a full report of the fifteen days' proceedings in the Assize Court of the Seine, including testimony of witnesses and speeches of counselZola, Émile
History
The trial of Emile Zola: containing M. Zola's letter to President Faure relating to the Dreyfus case, and a full report of the fifteen days' proceedings in the Assize Court of the Seine, including testimony of witnesses and speeches of counsel
Zola, Émile
Dreyfus, Alfred, 1859-1935; Trials (Seditious libel) -- France -- History -- 19th century; Zola, Émile, 1840-1902 -- Trials, litigation, etc.
“I am not much astonished, gentlemen, at the difficulties which M.
Zola meets in this affair, and I expect that this incident, which is
the first, will not be the last. We expected that they would offer to
you and impose upon us a restricted discussion. Such was the desire
of the minister of war, and it was his right. It will be ours, at a
certain moment, to ask what could have been the underlying reasons
for the exercise of this right under the circumstances in which the
minister of war has made use of it. However that may be, it was his
right, and I do not deny it. But, gentlemen, I do not believe that the
form of the complaint within which he confines himself involves the
consequences which he has hoped for.”
Reading then all the charges made at the end of M. Zola’s letter, M.
Labori continued:
“You know, gentlemen, what was the reply. It began on the day when,
after five days and five nights of deliberation and uncertainty, the
minister of war preferred this complaint, the bearing of which you now
know, and it continues today in the motions which the attorney-general
now makes in the name of the complainant and in his own name. Do you
think that that is going to strangle the discussion? Absurd! It is as
if one should place himself in the middle of a torrent to prevent it
from flowing. The discussion is open. If they wanted to stifle it,
they need not have prosecuted either Perrenx or Zola. They had the
right to refrain; and, in fact, public opinion, to which, gentlemen,
I shall speak,--public opinion, which is not enlightened, and which,
admirable in generosity and in faith, but blind, most faithfully
supports the ruling powers,--public opinion perhaps would have given
its sanction to such a course. But they have chosen to prosecute M.
Zola. Being accused, he will defend himself. Are they, then, serious
when they say to us today that the three paragraphs cited from this
letter of two thousand lines have nothing to do with the intention
of M. Zola on the one hand, or, on the other, with the article as a
whole and the other charges contained in it? Can the court accept
that? Between the three matters taken notice of by the minister of
war and the sum total of the matters which I have read to the court
there is a connection not only close, but indivisible. In the first
place, gentlemen, Major Esterhazy was prosecuted for the same crime of
treason for which Captain Dreyfus had been prosecuted. The document
of the trial was the _bordereau_; the _bordereau_ concerning which
the first experts testified; the _bordereau_ concerning which, at the
second trial, experts testified again. And it is not strange to read
that the experts of both trials, not being the same, feel no desire
to meet at this bar in contradiction of each other in a discussion
where the light is to be complete. But it is certain that the document
in question, and which was the object of discussion in the Esterhazy
trial and in the Dreyfus trial, is the _bordereau_.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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