The trial of Emile Zola: containing M. Zola's letter to President Faure relating to the Dreyfus case, and a full report of the fifteen days' proceedings in the Assize Court of the Seine, including testimony of witnesses and speeches of counselZola, Émile
History
The trial of Emile Zola: containing M. Zola's letter to President Faure relating to the Dreyfus case, and a full report of the fifteen days' proceedings in the Assize Court of the Seine, including testimony of witnesses and speeches of counsel
Zola, Émile
Dreyfus, Alfred, 1859-1935; Trials (Seditious libel) -- France -- History -- 19th century; Zola, Émile, 1840-1902 -- Trials, litigation, etc.
The two crimes were
the same. M. Mathieu Dreyfus had denounced Major Esterhazy. If Major
Esterhazy had been condemned, the setting aside of the verdict against
Captain Dreyfus would have followed as a matter of necessity. Major
Esterhazy was acquitted. The question remains open, and we are to deal
with it. The question takes the form of a dilemma. Either we are to
be prevented from offering any proof, and in that case we shall see;
or, on the contrary, we are to be permitted to examine the situation
of Captain Dreyfus as well as that of Major Esterhazy, since both
are closely connected, and it would not be possible for us to prove
here the guilt of Major Esterhazy and his acquittal in obedience to
orders, if we had not the right to prove at the same time the innocence
of Captain Dreyfus. To say nothing of the fact, gentlemen, that the
minister of war, in drawing up his complaint, perhaps not perceiving
this dangerous detail, allowed a little paragraph to slip in, in which
it was said that the second council of war covered the illegality
to which the first had committed itself. Now, gentlemen, how are we
to demonstrate that they have covered an illegality, unless we are
allowed to demonstrate first that an illegality has been committed?
Unless, indeed, they mean--and I confess that that would seem to me a
really curious preliminary to this discussion--to acknowledge that the
illegality has been committed, and that it is recognized in the face of
France and the civilized world. If not, then on this point as on others
we must be permitted the opportunity of proof. You know, gentlemen,
what the authorities say. It is a matter of doctrine and of law that,
outside of the matters set forth in the summons, it is permissible to
prove matters connected with them by close and indivisible ties. I have
shown you that the matters which it is our right to prove are closely
bound up with the other matters of which we likewise offer proof. It
remains only to say a single word in answer to a last objection of
the attorney-general,--the thing judged. The thing judged! What will
be left of it, gentlemen, if we succeed in showing that it has been
irregularly and illegally judged, this thing, in which public opinion
has such faith that it considers as public malefactors those who dream
for a second of doubting it, even though they have declared that they
are ready to furnish the proof? Citizens respect this thing judged.
It is their right and their duty to respect it. But only, I repeat,
because they believe it to have been regularly and legally judged.
Where there is no right, there is no legality, no justice, no thing
judged, Mr. Attorney-General, and let us say no more of exceptions.”
In reinforcement of the position of M. Labori, M. Albert Clemenceau
then addressed the court:
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