The Truth About Lynching and the Negro in the South: In Which the Author Pleads That the South Be Made Safe for the White Race — John Shaqi
The Truth About Lynching and the Negro in the South: In Which the Author Pleads That the South Be Made Safe for the White RaceCollins, Winfield H. (Winfield Hazlitt)
History
The Truth About Lynching and the Negro in the South: In Which the Author Pleads That the South Be Made Safe for the White Race
Collins, Winfield H. (Winfield Hazlitt)
African Americans; Lynching; Southern States -- Race relations
If the States had the power to train or even to enforce habits of
industry and thrift upon the shiftless, idle, and vicious Negroes it
would undoubtedly result in measureless benefit to both white and
black. Liberty should not be made a “fetish.” If the Negro has rights
that should not be abridged, so have the white people rights and
_lives_ that should not be endangered. The law-abiding many have the
right to protection from the criminal few—actual or incipient. With the
adoption of some such scheme the Negro might gradually cease to be a
menace to the white race.
Again, so often the Negro leaders of the Negro race are merely blind
leaders of the blind,—entirely lacking in breadth of view, often
discouraging in their race what they should encourage and encouraging
what they should discourage as the following quotation may indicate:
“‘Make lynching a Federal crime, and stop turning the murderers
over to local authorities who are in sympathy with them,’
demanded Dr. W. T. Vernon, of Memphis, Tenn., before 15,000
Negroes, who were celebrating the twenty-fifth quadrennial
Conference of the African M. E. Church in Convention Hall,
Broad street and Allegheny Avenue, yesterday.”[99:24]
Such talk as this serves to promote Negro crime. If instead of Negro
leaders writing articles for magazines and Negro papers, in sermons in
Negro churches, and in addresses before Negro conventions denouncing
the whites for protecting themselves against Negro crime in their own
way, could realize that it is not so much the black skin as what sort
of man the black skin covers, that counts, would demonstrate to their
black brothers that they themselves are the sinners rather than the
sinned against, that they are the transgressors rather than otherwise,
they might accomplish much toward lessening Negro crime. If such
leaders would use their influence to the utmost to make their race as
law-abiding as the whites, and should bring it about, it is hardly
likely that then they would need to complain that their race is imposed
upon. But if they were, at least, there would be more force in their
complaint. But so long as the Negro race commits its present amount of
crime, the complaint against unfair treatment is more than childish.
FOOTNOTES:
[76:1] Both Tables I and II have reference to penetentiaries, no
account being taken of other penal institutions. The calculations are
based upon the census of 1910 and penitentiary reports of the same
year, or thereabouts, but some prison statistics for other years are
also given.
[77:2] Some State penitentiary reports give the number of prisoners on
hand at a certain time, others simply those committed during a period
of time, while a few reports give both items.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account