The first notice of them has been the demand of payment. However, this is not essential, nor anything else except the letter of advice--not even the having money in our funds here, for this sometimes happens. I had your last bills, those of Mr. Dumas, and some other federal demands, paid out of a sum of money lodged here by the State of Virginia for the purchase of arms. However, we have at present three months' supplies on hand. I am to thank you for the map which I received of Mr. Randall. Mr. Barclay has sent from Cadiz some of the books purchased there. Should you at any time meet with any of the others named in my catalogue, at reasonable prices, I will thank you to think of me. I paid Mr. Barclay's draught for those coming from Cadiz, and will answer yours, or find means of remitting the money to you for the map and such other books as you may be so good as to purchase for me. I return you, according to your desire, O'Bryan's letter, having sent copies of that and other papers you have forwarded me from time to time, as also an extract from your own letters on the Barclay affairs to Congress, and to Mr. Adams. Mr. Adams left London about the 3d or 4th instant, for the Hague, to exchange ratifications of our treaty with Prussia with the Baron de Thulemeyer, and also to take leave of their high-mightinesses, which he had not done before. I suppose that by this time he is returned to London. It is inconceivable to me what difficulties can have arisen on our treaty with Portugal. However, the delay of the signature indicates that there are such. You intimate the expediency of the mutual appointment of consuls between Denmark and us. But our particular constitution occasions a difficulty. You know that a consul is the creature of a convention altogether,--that without this he must be unknown, and his jurisdiction unacknowledged by the laws of the country in which he is placed. The will of the Sovereign in most countries can give a jurisdiction by a simple order. With us, the confederation admitting Congress to make treaties with foreign powers, they can by treaty or convention provide for the admission and jurisdiction of consuls and the confederation, and whatever is done under it, being paramount to the laws of the States, this establishes the power of the consuls. But without a convention, the laws of the States cannot take any notice of a consul, nor permit him to exercise any jurisdiction. In the case of Temple, the consul from England, therefore, Congress could only say he should have such power as the law of nations, and the laws of the States admitted. But none of the States having passed laws but for nations in alliance with us, Temple can exercise no jurisdiction nor authority. You ask in what state is our treaty with Naples? Congress gave powers to Mr. A., Dr. F. and myself, to form treaties of alliance and commerce with every nation in Europe with whom it could be supposed we should have an intercourse of any sort.