These powers were to continue two years. We offered to treat with all nations. Prussia made a treaty with us. Portugal we expect does the same. Tuscany exchanged propositions backwards and forwards with us, but before they could be completed, our powers expired. The Emperor somewhat the same. But all other nations made professions of friendship, and said they supposed a commerce could be carried on without a treaty. Spain, you know, treats at New York. At present, therefore, we stand thus: France, the United Netherlands, Sweden and Prussia, are connected by treaty. Spain and Portugal will probably be so. Perhaps the powers may be renewed for the Emperor and Tuscany. But as to every other nation of Europe, I am persuaded Congress will never offer a treaty. If any of them should desire one hereafter, I suppose they will make the first overtures. In fact, the exclusion of our vessels from the English and Spanish American possessions in America, and the modified reception of them in the French islands, may render regulations on our part necessary, which might be embarrassed by a multiplication of treaties with other nations. I think, therefore, that at present Congress would not wish to make any other treaties than those actually in agitation with Spain and Portugal. A Commercial Congress is to meet to prepare an article defining the extent of the powers over commerce which it may be expedient to give to the United States in Congress assembled. Every State has appointed deputies to meet for this purpose, except Maryland, which declined it because they thought the established Congress might propose an article. It is thought they will still appoint, but that at any rate they will accede to what shall be done. Congress being once invested with these powers will be the less embarrassed in the system in proportion as their hands are less tied up by engagements with other powers. While Mr. A., Dr. F. and myself were here together, it was made a question whether we should send agents to the Barbary powers, or receive their agents here. As these would expect to be supported, we thought the former the more economical plan. An agent from Algiers to Madrid must have great presents, and be pompously supported. This induced us to send Mr. Lambe to Algiers. The possibility that mal-adroitness in him may leave something yet practicable by Mr. Barclay, may perhaps occasion a mission of this latter gentleman to Algiers. On this, I expect to hear from Mr. Adams as soon as he returns from the Hague. As to myself, I confess I expect nothing from Algiers, were we to send an angel, without more money than we are authorized to give them. We desired Mr. Lambe to repair to Congress, that he might, by his information, aid them in their decisions. He answers us by resigning his commission, saying that his health will not permit him either to go to Congress or to come to us; yet he desires we will settle his accounts. It would seem, then, as if