The year of jubilee; but not to Africans: a discourse, delivered July 4th, 1825, being the 49th anniversary of American independencePrime, Nathaniel S. (Nathaniel Scudder)
Philosophy
The year of jubilee; but not to Africans: a discourse, delivered July 4th, 1825, being the 49th anniversary of American independence
Prime, Nathaniel S. (Nathaniel Scudder)
Fourth of July orations; Slavery -- United States
This association was formed, at the city of Washington, in the beginning
of the year 1817; and is patronized by many of the most distinguished
officers of the general government. The Chief Justice of the United
States has been, from its first formation, the president of the Society.
Its object is the transportation to Africa of the free people of colour,
who are willing to go, and the establishment of them in a colony, or
colonies, under all the advantages of civil and religious privileges.
Though its incipient measures were attended with some adverse
providences, yet it has progressed with as much success, and with as
flattering prospects as could possibly have been anticipated. A district
of fertile territory on the Western Coast of Africa has been purchased
of the natives, and a flourishing colony planted there, under the
direction and control of resident agents. Schools are organized, and the
means of grace established among them. The plan has been countenanced,
though not explicitly approved, by the government of our country; and it
has been distinctly recommended by the supreme judicatories of several
of the most numerous and respectable denominations of Christians to the
patronage of their members, especially on this interesting occasion.
As this Society, since its organization, has met with considerable
opposition, I feel it to be my duty to present a few considerations in
support of its claims.
If the slaves of our country are ever to enjoy all the blessings of
freedom, it must evidently be, in a state of total separation from the
white population. Such are the present feelings of our citizens, and so
firmly are they fixed in their breasts, that we need never expect to see
the blacks amalgamated with the whites in all the social connexions of
life. In what district of our country will the latter become willing to
connect themselves with the former in the relations of the domestick
circle? What legislature will be willing to admit the negro to equal
privileges and powers with the white man, on the floor of the senate
chamber? What University will hold forth the same advantages and honours
to our own children and the descendants of Africans? But until all these
things are realized, if they must live together in the same territory,
the negro’s mind will forever be depressed to the dust with a sense of
conscious inferiority, and can never aspire to those elevated
distinctions of which it is capable. And this is the grand reason of all
that present dulness and stupidity, which are frequently adduced, as
evidence that negroes are a race of beings but little elevated above the
brutal creation. If therefore universal liberty should be proclaimed
through our land, and the African race still be permitted to live in the
midst of us, disfranchised by our feelings and customs, if not by our
laws,[2] of the rights of freemen, we have no reason to suppose that
they would be essentially improved or benefited by their freedom. It is
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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