Rome -- History -- Tiberius, 14-37; Tiberius, Emperor of Rome 42 B.C.-37 A.D.
The Roman people so constituted had no particular affection for
Rome, and none for the Senate of Rome as a body; its affections were
centred on those who could promote its own interests, on those who
were lavish in providing it with amusements and distributing doles,
on generals who promised large rewards to their soldiers, on orators
who flattered the vanity of the mob; if it had any genuine political
sympathies they were with the Army, and with Italy rather than with the
hierarchy at Rome. The greatness of the Roman statesmen lies in this,
that though nominally the magistrates were elected and laws passed by
this rabble, and the whole administration lay at its mercy, outside
Italy the Roman Government steadily grew in strength; the love of order
and faith in law were so deeply implanted in the Roman character that
the administration was not shattered by years of apparent anarchy,
in which the constitution seemed to have fallen into abeyance, and
the fate of the civilized world to depend upon the caprices of a mob
or the loyalty of soldiers to their leaders. The Roman resembled the
Englishman in being able to make the best of a bad government or no
government; disorder called his reserve of moral strength into action;
the executive was always superior to the constitution; however unruly
the city, the Roman citizen in the provinces preserved the qualities
which had made Rome the ruling power in the Mediterranean.
The character of the Roman people having changed, the mass of citizens
being no longer Romans and nothing else, the ruling classes at Rome
did their best to organize the numbers who filled the streets. All
the methods by which elections may be controlled were resorted to:
political clubs were formed, the great families looked up their
clients, some of them provided themselves with armed bands of
retainers, bribery was systematic and constant; but all efforts to
introduce order into the unwieldy body of the Roman people alike
failed. It is possible that if the popular assembly had had no
further voice in public affairs than to elect magistrates, a way
might have been found out of the difficulty; but the mob was not
only the electorate, it was also the legislative body, or rather a
legislative body. It could not only pass laws, but it could prevent
through its representatives, the tribunes, any laws being passed, or
any business being conducted. The rule of the Roman people under these
conditions was simply authorized anarchy, and the deeply lamented fall
of the Republic with which school histories are apt to close, was
the restoration of order. In fact just at the time when the history
of Rome became the history of the civilized world, there was no
longer any political meaning in the term “the Roman People”; it was
a survival from previous conditions. The attempt to call to life the
forms of popular government resulted, as it was bound to result, not in
government, but in anarchy.
III
The Senate
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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