Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
History
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
Peace; World War, 1914-1918 -- Peace
What is true of this country is true of others. To agree to abide by the
result of an arbitration, on every non-justiciable question of every
nature whatsoever, on pain of compulsion in any form by the whole world,
would involve a greater cession of sovereignty than nations would now
be willing to concede. This appears, indeed, perfectly clear from the
discussions at The Hague Conference of 1907. But to exclude differences
that do not turn on questions of international law from the cases in
which a State must present the matter to a tribunal or council of
conciliation before beginning hostilities, would leave very little check
upon the outbreak of war. Almost every conflict between European nations
for more than half a century has been based upon some dissension which
could not be decided by strict rules of law, and in which a violation of
international law or of treaty rights has usually not even been used as
an excuse. This was true of the war between France and Austria in 1859,
and, in substance, of the war between Prussia and Austria in 1866. It
was true of the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, of the Russo-Turkish War in
1876, of the Balkan War against Turkey in 1912, and of the present war.
[Sidenote: But would reduce probability of hostilities.]
No one will claim that a league to enforce peace, such as is proposed,
would wholly prevent war, but it would greatly reduce the probability of
hostilities. It would take away the advantage of surprise, of catching
the enemy unprepared for a sudden attack. It would give a chance for
public opinion on the nature of the controversy to be formed throughout
the world and in the militant country. The latter is of great importance,
for the moment war is declared argument about its merits is at once
stifled. Passion runs too high for calm debate, and patriotism forces
people to support their government. But a trial before an international
tribunal would give time for discussion while emotion is not yet highly
inflamed. Men opposed to war would be able to urge its injustice, to ask
whether, after all, the object is worth the sacrifice, and they would
get a hearing from their fellow citizens which they cannot get after
war begins. The mere delay, the interval for consideration, would be an
immense gain for the prospect of a peaceful settlement.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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