Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916 — John Shaqi
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
History
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
Peace; World War, 1914-1918 -- Peace
The method of avoiding financial competition by marking off zones
of monopoly, is clearly the worst which can be pursued. There are
alternatives. Let us consider what methods might be followed if the
Powers were sage enough to shrink from the terrific conflict which may
one day overtake them for the partition of China. China is so thickly
peopled that crude conquest presents few attractions. Even Japan could
not settle her surplus population in a country where every hill is
terraced and every field subjected to intensive cultivation. But there is
here a field which capital is already eager to exploit, and every year
diminishes the resistance of prejudice and inertia to its ambitions. The
attempts to mark out spheres of influence have so far been tentative
and unsuccessful. Our own claim to the lion’s share, the Yangtse Valley,
is admitted by no other Power, and it is doubtful whether the Foreign
Office still maintains it. There are several principles which might
be adopted if the Powers desired to avoid the jealous and dangerous
struggle for concessions. In the first place, the simplest plan and the
best would be the adoption of a self-denying ordinance by all the chief
competitors. Let it be understood that British, French, and German banks
may compete among themselves for railways and loans, but that none of
them shall receive any aid or countenance whatever from the embassies
or consulates of their respective countries. If that could be decided,
the allotment of concessions would be settled either by the merits of
the competitors or more probably by their skill and audacity in bribing
Chinese officials. One may doubt, however, whether any of the Powers
has sufficient faith in the honor of its competitors to enter on such
an undertaking. A second and more hopeful plan might be borrowed from
the undertaking negotiated by France and Germany over Morocco. They
agreed to promote cooperation among their subjects, who were to share
in agreed percentages in the coveted opportunities for public works. A
vast “pool” or syndicate in which all the rival financial groups were
represented, might be left to internationalize all the opportunities of
monopoly in China on a plan which would give to each its allotted share
in the risks and profits. The scheme worked badly in Morocco, and indeed
created the friction which led to the Agadir incident. Something of the
kind existed in China while the alliance of the banks of the Six Powers
subsisted, and it eventually broke down. By this method friction may
be avoided among the Great Powers, but China would be subjected to an
intolerable financial dictation, which would be none the less oppressive
because it was cosmopolitan. There exists, however, in the Ottoman Public
Debt, a model which might be followed elsewhere. Its council represents
all the bondholders of every nationality, and usually maintains good
relations with the Porte. If the railways of Turkey, China, and Persia
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