For Germany, on the other hand, Turkish nationalism held no menace.
So far from desiring a weak Turkey—as did most of the other European
Powers—her policy in the Near East was based upon the strengthening
of Turkey. If Turkey was to be strong, she must suppress dissentient
nationalist and religious minorities; therefore Germany raised no voice
of protest against the Armenian and Macedonian atrocities. If Turkey
sought to recover territories which formerly had acknowledged the
suzerainty of the Sultan, Germany had nothing to fear; the Kaiser ruled
over no such territories. If Turkey chose to arouse the Moslem world
by a Pan-Islamic revival, that was no concern of Germany; the German
Empire had a comparatively insignificant number of Mohammedan subjects.
If the Turkish program discomfited the Entente Powers, that was to
Germany’s advantage in the great game of world politics; therefore
Germany could afford to support the Young Turk Government. As in the
days of Abdul Hamid, Germany appeared to be the only friend of the
Ottomans.[8]
The improvement in the German political position at Constantinople was
reflected in a changing Turkish attitude toward the Bagdad Railway.
Among revolutionary leaders there was a growing realization of the
great economic and political importance of railways and, particularly,
of the Bagdad system. It became apparent upon examination, also,
that others than Germans had obtained monopolistic concessions in
the Ottoman Empire—in this respect the Lynch Brothers came in for a
good deal of attention. The Ottoman General Staff—which had recalled
General von der Goltz as chief military adviser—insisted that the
early construction of a trans-Mesopotamian railway at whatever cost,
was essential to the defence of the empire. In spite of serious
financial difficulties resulting from strikes, increased cost of
materials, and general economic paralysis which followed upon the
heels of the revolutions of 1908 and 1909, the Anatolian and Bagdad
Railway Companies advanced large sums to the Minister of Finance
toward the ordinary expenses of running the Government. In addition,
the concessionaires evinced a desire to meet all Turkish financial and
diplomatic objections to the provisions of the concession of 1903.[9]
It was the financial needs of the Young Turk administration which
enabled German diplomacy and the _Deutsche Bank_ to reëstablish
themselves thoroughly in the good graces of the Ottoman Government. But
here again the Germans were given their chance only after England and
France had turned the Turks away empty handed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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