Russian diplomatic policy toward Turkey has likewise undergone
important changes. Imperial Russia had been a bitter opponent of
Imperial Germany in the Bagdad Railway project. Imperial Russia had
conspired with Great Britain and France to bring about the collapse
and dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. Imperial Russia was the
“traditional enemy” of the Turk. But Imperial Russia was destroyed
in 1917 by military defeat and social revolution. Regardless of the
pronunciamentos of bourgeois imperialists like Professor Milyukov,
revolutionary Russia was certain to look upon the Near Eastern question
in a new light. Political and economic disorganization incidental
to the war and the revolution would have made it imperative for any
government in Russia to curtail its imperialistic pretensions. And with
the advent of Bolshevism the outcome was certain. A government which
was anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist could not sanction Russian
“spheres of interest” or Russian territorial aggrandizement at the
expense of Turkey. A government which preached “self-determination of
peoples” and “no annexations” could not confirm the secret treaties of
1915–1916. A government which was engaged in repelling foreign invasion
and in resisting counter-revolutionary insurrections had to keep within
strict limits its military liabilities. Therefore, Soviet Russia
speedily foreswore any intention of occupying Constantinople, declared
unreservedly for a free Armenia, and proceeded forthwith to withdraw
its troops from Persia. These measures were considered “a complete
break with the barbarous policy of bourgeois civilization which built
the prosperity of the exploiters among the few chosen nations upon
the enslavement of the laboring population in Asia,” as well as an
expression of Bolshevist Russia’s “inflexible determination to wrest
humanity from the talons of financial capital and imperialism, which
have drenched the earth with blood in this most criminal of wars.”[2]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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