Diplomatic and consular service, American; United States -- Colonial question; United States -- Politics and government
It has long been a standing objection to federal governments such as
ours that they are “weak in the conduct of foreign affairs”, the
imputation being that they are weak because the Secretary of State lacks
the initiative afforded by a more centralized government. But, as a
matter of fact, the same official in England, France, Italy, or Spain,
is more likely to be called upon for the progress of foreign
negotiations than in our own country.
But the Constitution does not grant the Secretary, that is to say, the
Executive, entire freedom in foreign affairs, for it explicitly states
that “_the President shall have power, by and with the consent and
advice of the Senate_, to make treaties ... to appoint ambassadors,
other public ministers and consuls,” etc. However, this restraint is not
always irksome, and it may sometimes prove salutary. It is always a
measure of assurance to the people that the administration will not
commit the government to an unwise policy; and more than this, it is an
assurance to a power with which we may be dealing that the result of the
negotiations is not likely to be repudiated by the people when the chief
executive is backed by the legislature.
The Senate entrusts its diplomatic functions, except in the ratification
of treaties and the approval of the appointments of ambassadors, to its
Committee on Foreign Affairs. This Committee leaves the initiative in
diplomacy to the State Department, taking care, nevertheless, to keep
track of any negotiations that may be pending. Whenever the Senate
wishes to know the progress of negotiations it passes resolutions
calling for them, the Chief Clerk of the Department gets them ready, and
the Senate then meets in closed session during their consideration. Thus
diplomatic business is fairly well guarded and at the same time a
reassuring degree of legislative oversight is maintained. To be sure, we
hear more or less criticism of Senate control, which in the nature of
the case must mean a sacrifice of expediency, yet it remains to be seen
whether or not our system is too cumbersome for prompt, prudent and
adroit statesmanship when brought into closer rivalry with Europe.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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