American essays -- 20th century; State, The; World War, 1914-1918
We have had to watch, therefore, in this country the same process which
so shocked us abroad,--the coalescence of the intellectual classes
in support of the military programme. In this country, indeed, the
socialist intellectuals did not even have the grace of their German
brothers and wait for the declaration of war before they broke for
cover. And when they declared for war they showed how thin was the
intellectual veneer of their socialism. For they called us in terms
that might have emanated from any bourgeois journal to defend democracy
and civilization, just as if it was not exactly against those very
bourgeois democracies and capitalist civilizations that socialists had
been fighting for decades. But so subtle is the spiritual chemistry of
the “inside” that all this intellectual cohesion--herd-instinct become
herd-intellect--which seemed abroad so hysterical and so servile, comes
to us here in highly rational terms. We go to war to save the world
from subjugation! But the German intellectuals went to war to save
their culture from barbarization! And the French went to war to save
their beautiful France! And the English to save international honor!
And Russia, most altruistic and self-sacrificing of all, to save a
small State from destruction! Whence is our miraculous intuition of our
moral spotlessness? Whence our confidence that history will not unravel
huge economic and imperialist forces upon which our rationalizations
float like bubbles? The Jew often marvels that his race alone should
have been chosen as the true people of the cosmic God. Are not our
intellectuals equally fatuous when they tell us that our war of all
wars is stainless and thrillingly achieving for good?
An intellectual class that was wholly rational would have called
insistently for peace and not for war. For months the crying need has
been for a negotiated peace, in order to avoid the ruin of a deadlock.
Would not the same amount of resolute statesmanship thrown into
intervention have secured a peace that would have been a subjugation
for neither side? Was the terrific bargaining power of a great neutral
ever really used? Our war followed, as all wars follow, a monstrous
failure of diplomacy. Shamefacedness should now be our intellectuals’
attitude, because the American play for peace was made so little more
than a polite play. The intellectuals have still to explain why,
willing as they now are to use force to continue the war to absolute
exhaustion, they were not willing to use force to coerce the world to a
speedy peace.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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