William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of SlaveryTuckerman, Bayard
History
William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of Slavery
Tuckerman, Bayard
Antislavery movements -- United States; Jay, William, 1789-1858; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
Judge Jay, in the life of his father, which was welcomed as an important
addition to our American biography of the Revolution, vindicated, by a
careful presentation of the historical evidence then available, the
soundness of the judgment of Jay and Adams, as peace commissioners at
Paris in 1782-83, regarding the policy of the French court as unfriendly
to the American claims to the boundaries, the fisheries, and the
Mississippi. That judgment, afterwards acquiesced in by Dr. Franklin in
the joint violation by the commissioners of the instructions of
Congress--a violation that enabled them to obtain from England
boundaries and concessions far greater than either Congress or France
expected--had been roughly criticised and denied, even in volumes of
diplomatic correspondence claiming an official sanction. Its vindication
by Judge Jay has recently been more than confirmed by the ample proofs
published by M. de Circourt in the secret correspondence of the Count de
Vergennes with his able corps of diplomatic agents, as well as by the
interesting revelations in Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice's "Life of Lord
Shelburne"; and these volumes have dissipated a cloud of error which for
half a century travestied the facts and dimmed the glory of the closing
act of the American Revolution.[A]
JAY'S "WAR AND PEACE," AND INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.
Judge Jay's little book on "War and Peace," with a plan of stipulation
by treaty for international arbitration which subsequently led to his
becoming the president of the American Peace Society, and which before
its publication attracted the attention of that sturdy advocate for
peace, Joseph Sturge, during his visit at Bedford, seems entitled to
special notice as one whose scheme is still agitated in the governmental
and national councils of Europe. The plan promptly received the approval
of the Peace Society of London, and of English statesmen like Richard
Cobden and the indefatigable Henry Richard. It exercised a European
influence in the highest quarters when its spirit, under the leadership
of Lord Clarendon, received the sanction of the great powers of Europe
who signed the Treaty at Paris in 1856. Its endorsement, while
cautiously expressed, was recognized as having a new and profound
significance. The Protocol No. 23 declared the wish of the signatory
governments that states between which any serious misunderstanding might
arise should, before appealing to arms, have recourse, as far as
circumstances might allow, to the good offices of a friendly power; it
being understood that the wish expressed by Congress should not in any
case oppose limits to that liberty of appreciation which no power could
alienate in questions that touched its dignity. With that limitation the
recommendation, in advance of a resort to war to have recourse to a
friendly power, was introduced by the Congress to the International Code
of Europe; and among those great diplomatists were the Count Walewski
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