William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of SlaveryTuckerman, Bayard
History
William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of Slavery
Tuckerman, Bayard
Antislavery movements -- United States; Jay, William, 1789-1858; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
and Baron Bourgueny, on the part of France; Count de Buol-Schauenstein
and Baron de Hubner, on the part of Austria; Lord Clarendon and Lord
Cowley, on the part of Great Britain; Count Orloff and Baron de Bruno,
on the part of Russia; and Count Cavour and the Marquis de Villamarina,
on the part of Sardinia. The action of the Congress was subsequently
confirmed by that of the lesser states of Europe. Mr. Gladstone
pronounced the protocol "a very great triumph, a powerful engine in
behalf of civilized humanity." The late Earl of Derby referred to it as
"the principle which to its immortal honour was embodied in the
protocols of the Conference at Paris"; and the Earl of Malmesbury
pronounced the act "one important to civilization and to the security of
the peace of Europe." The idea that this scheme is more and more
regarded as widely applicable to international disputes, as easily
practicable and profoundly important to the peace of nations, would seem
probable from the extent to which, as the century approaches its
completion, the scheme has occupied more and more the attention of both
the statesmen and of the masses who are the most interested in
discovering a substitute for war.
For a time after the Geneva award, the moral weight and value of
international arbitration seemed to be more doubted than ever. It was
said that while the scheme had in that case avoided war, it had
suggested the probability of claims so extravagant and inadmissible as
almost to force the opposing party to break the treaty under the cover
of which they were advanced, even at the risk of increased hostility and
a resort to war; and that the escape of both nations from such a
catastrophe by the action of the Genevan Court in dismissing without
argument the American claims for indirect damages was but a happy
accident. But this idea seems to have been succeeded by the happier
thought that an appeal to international arbitration is an appeal to the
fairness of the world, and that the question for the parties, judges,
and spectators is so clearly one of honour, that no nation can afford to
ask what the justice of the world candidly disapproves. In the case of
the Geneva Congress, while the rejected claims were presented in the
name of the President, General Grant himself subsequently denied their
justice and approved their rejection. Sir Lyon (now Lord) Playfair, who
perhaps appreciates the entire subject of arbitration as thoroughly as
any living statesman, gave an interesting sketch of its recent progress,
both in Europe and America, in a paper entitled, "A Topic for
Christmas," in the _North American Review_ for December, 1890. Three
years before, Sir Lyon had headed a deputation of members of the English
Parliament who came to present to the President of the United States a
memorial from 234 members of the House of Commons, with delegates from
English Trades Unions representing 700,000 workingmen. Congress in
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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