Women's Suffrage: A Short History of a Great MovementFawcett, Millicent Garrett, Dame
Philosophy
Women's Suffrage: A Short History of a Great Movement
Fawcett, Millicent Garrett, Dame
Women -- Suffrage -- Great Britain
"If," said Lord James, "their Lordships accepted this measure making
women eligible for the great positions that had been specified in
great communities like Liverpool and Manchester, _where was the man
who would be able to argue against the Parliamentary franchise for
women?_"
The Bill became an Act, notwithstanding Lord James's opposition, and
within twelve months he had become a vice-president of the League for
Opposing Women's Suffrage and for "Maintaining the Representation of
Women on Municipal and other Bodies concerned with the Domestic and
Social Affairs of the Community."
It has been said by Mrs. Humphry Ward, Miss Violet Markham, and other
anti-suffragists that it is not very creditable to women's public
spirit that four years after the passing of the Local Government
Qualification of Women Act of 1907, so few women[25] are serving on
Town and County Councils. The chief reason for their insignificant
numbers is that at present only those women may be elected who are
themselves qualified to elect. Outside London this disqualifies married
women, and in London it only qualifies those married women who are
on the register as municipal voters. It also disqualifies daughters
living, under normal conditions, in the houses of their parents. The
range of choice of women candidates is, therefore, very severely
restricted. Similar disqualifications in former years applied to the
post of Poor Law Guardian. When a simple residential qualification
was substituted for the electoral qualification the number of women
acting as Poor Law Guardians increased in a few years from about
160 to over 1300, of whom eight out of nine have the residential
qualification only, nearly half of them being married women. It helps
people to realise how the present law limits the range of choice of
women to serve on locally elected bodies to ask them to consider what
would be the effect on the number of men who could offer themselves
for election if marriage were a disqualification for them also. A
Bill for allowing women to be elected to Town and County Councils
on a residential qualification has been before Parliament for the
four sessions 1908-11. It is "non-contentious," but it has never even
got a second reading. Bills concerning women lack the motive power
behind them which is almost invariably necessary for the successful
passage of a Bill through all its stages. Mrs. Humphry Ward and Miss
Markham have some justification for their contention that the suffrage
movement has largely absorbed the energies of the more active-minded
women, and prevented them from offering themselves as candidates in
municipal elections. This is inevitable. Not every one possesses the
boundless energy of such women as Miss Margaret Ashton, Miss Eleanor
Rathbone, or Mrs. Lees, who combine active suffrage propaganda with
work of first-class importance as members of councils in large and
important towns. But when once the battle for suffrage is won, and the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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