Christian sociology; Great Britain -- Social conditions; Poor -- Great Britain; Working class -- Great Britain
This, then, is what the forward school of Trade Unionists are demanding
for all industries. It is, in effect, the abolition of the wages and
profit system; and it is this proposal that I earnestly beg those who
desire to bring about a complete change in our spiritual and social
life to support. I trust no one will allow personal interests to
blur his or her mind and conscience. We do wish to get rid of rich
monopolists because we also want to get rid of the poor, but no one
will suffer. The nation can, if it will, effect this great change in
our social relationship without hurting any one. Already we are, as a
nation, organising great industries for purposes of war, have destroyed
businesses, broken up and ruined homes, wiped out in many cases the
whole life’s savings of men and women. All this in order to win the
war against Germany. No sacrifice, we are told, is, or will be, too
great. Surely we will all make an effort to destroy social evil, surely
we are able to see that co-operative production and distribution is a
finer, nobler, and more Christian social order than the present chaotic
competitive struggle which robs children of life and well nigh destroys
the morale of us all. To change our present methods means injury for
none, but a better life for all. There are many other things that we
can help forward in the labour movement. There is the whole great
question of what we are to do with our land. All through my public life
I have felt the sinfulness, the crime against society, which the mere
fact of landlordism entails. Men of my age who have seen great areas
of London cleared at the public expense, who have seen parks and open
spaces created and paid for by the people, and even in this process
used for the enrichment of those who own land, cannot but be struck
with the fact that so far the great land monopoly has gone untouched. I
see no means for dealing effectually with the land question as a whole
except by making all those who wish to use land pay, not to private
individuals, but to the State, for the use of such land. Some places
are more desirable to live in than others, some pieces of land will
give a better return than others, and this excess value--indeed, all
forms of “site values”--should always come into the national exchequer
in one form or another.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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