The Two First Centuries of Florentine History: The Republic and Parties at the Time of Dante. Fourth Impression. — Dante Alighieri — John Shaqi
The Two First Centuries of Florentine History: The Republic and Parties at the Time of Dante. Fourth Impression.
Dante Alighieri · en
But however flattering to Florentine self-love this system of fusing
the history of the Commune with that of the universe might be, it
was clearly apparent that the former remained crushed, as it were,
by the contact. Hence even the fourteenth century witnessed attempts
to expound it apart. Paolo Pieri begins his Chronicle from 1080, the
year from which the other writers also date their earliest historical
account of Florence, and continues it, with slight allusions to the
Popes and slighter to the emperors, down to 1305, including the scanty
Florentine records "gleaned from many chronicles and books, with
certain novel matters seen by me, Paolino di Piero, and written _ad
memoriam_." On the other hand, Simone della Tosa, who died in 1380,
begins his "Annals" with a list of Consuls and Podestà (1196-1278),
and then passes to the death of Countess Matilda (1115) and on to
1346, supplementing towards the close his meagre account of Florentine
affairs with details about his own family. But simple summaries such as
these, consisting only of a few pages, were more inadequate than ever
to satisfy the needs of a city that now, in the fourteenth century, had
already won a foremost place in Italy, was proudly asserting equality
with Rome, and aspired to have a history similar to that of the ancient
metropolis of the world.
Such was the ambitious problem that Giovanni Villani as shown by
his own words, proposed to solve. In the year 1300, he says, "being
in Rome for the Jubilee, admiring the grand memories of that city,
reading the glorious deeds narrated by Virgil, Sallust, Lucan, Titus
Livy, Paul Orosio, and other masters of history, who recounted, not
the events of Rome alone, but likewise strange events of the universal
world: I borrowed their style and form."[39] Reflecting that "our old
Florentines had left few and confused records of past deeds in our city
of Florence,[40] and that our city, the child and creature of Rome,
was on the upward path, and about to achieve great things, whereas
Rome was on the decline," I resolved "to bring into this volume and
new chronicle all the events and beginnings of the city of Florence,
... and give henceforth _in full_ the deeds of the Florentines, and
_briefly_ the notable affairs of the rest of the universe."[41] Thus,
according to Villani, the course to be pursued was to connect the
history of Florence with that of the world, as others had done before
him, but in such wise that Florence should not be the loser, but rather
play the chief part. Hence his work is no longer a mechanical mosaic;
he arranges his history, dividing it in books and chapters, after the
manner of the ancients. We do not know all the authorities from whom
his work was derived, for this question has not yet been completely
investigated. But we know that they were many in number. For general
history, Martin Polono was still the main source; but Villani also drew
from the "Gesta Imperatorum et Pontificum" of Thomas Tuscus,[42] the