Enfranchisement of women : $b Reprinted from the Westminster and Foreign Quarterly Review, for July 1851 — John Stuart Mill — John Shaqi
Enfranchisement of women : $b Reprinted from the Westminster and Foreign Quarterly Review, for July 1851
John Stuart Mill · en
Supposing the fact to be true in the fullest extent ever asserted, if
it proves that European women ought to remain as they are, it proves
exactly the same with respect to Asiatic women; for they, too, instead
of murmuring at their seclusion, and at the restraint imposed upon
them, pride themselves on it, and are astonished at the effrontery
of women who receive visits from male acquaintances, and are seen
in the streets unveiled. Habits of submission make men, as well as
women, servile-minded. The vast population of Asia do not desire or
value--probably would not accept--political liberty, nor the savages
of the forest civilization; which does not prove that either of
those things is undesirable for them, or that they will not, at some
future time, enjoy it. Custom hardens human beings to any kind of
degradation, by deadening the part of their nature which would resist
it. And the case of women is, in this respect, even, a peculiar one,
for no other inferior caste that we have heard of have been taught
to regard their degradation as their honor. The argument, however,
implies a secret consciousness that the alleged preference of women
for their dependent state is merely apparent, and arises from their
being allowed no choice; for, if the preference be natural, there can
be no necessity for enforcing it by law. To make laws compelling people
to follow their inclination, has not hitherto been thought necessary
by any legislator. The plea that women do not desire any change is
the same that has been urged, times out of mind, against the proposal
of abolishing any social evil,--"there is no complaint;" which is
generally not true, and, when true, only so because there is not that
hope of success, without which complaint seldom makes itself audible
to unwilling ears. How does the objector know that women do not desire
equality and freedom? He never knew a woman who did not, or would not,
desire it for herself individually. It would be very simple to suppose
that, if they do desire it, they will say so. Their position is like
that of the tenants or laborers who vote against their own political
interests to please their landlords or employers; with the unique
addition that submission is inculcated on them from childhood, as the
peculiar attraction and grace of their character. They are taught to
think that, to repel actively even an admitted injustice, done to
themselves, is somewhat unfeminine, and had better be left to some male
friend or protector. To be accused of rebelling against anything which
admits of being called an ordinance of society, they are taught to
regard as an imputation of a serious offence, to say the least, against
the proprieties of their sex. It requires unusual moral courage, as
well as disinterestedness, in a woman, to express opinions favorable
to women's enfranchisement, until, at least, there is some prospect
of obtaining it. The comfort of her individual life, and her social