The Geneva Protocol — John Stuart Mill — John Shaqi
The Geneva Protocol
John Stuart Mill · en
In the first place, the question in many cases as to whether or not
there is any such thing as a "just" frontier is at least a very
doubtful one. I put it this way. If you have a situation where
reasonable, impartial and informed minds can differ, you do not have a
situation where it can be arbitrarily said by any one that any one
frontier is _the_ just frontier. Of course I am not talking of the
type of mind which insists that the particular line that he would draw
is the one and only line, despite the views of anybody else, because to
admit such a theory would mean the admission of the existence of
perhaps fifty different frontiers between the same two countries at the
same time.
Now as to the Peace Treaties, we certainly have that situation to a
very large extent. I do not see how any one could contend that the
existence of the Polish corridor is a perfect solution, nor do I see
how any one could contend that the absence of the Polish corridor would
be a perfect solution. One of the Polish Delegation said to me in
Paris in December, 1918, in substance, that it would be impossible to
draw a frontier between Germany and Poland which would not do an
injustice to one country or to the other or to both, and I believe that
his observation is perfectly sound.
The same thing is true as between Roumania and Hungary, and perhaps
more true.
My sympathies as to Vilna are rather with the Lithuanians than with the
Poles, but no one can read the documents without seeing that the Poles
have a case.
My own view has always been that the frontier between Poland and Russia
is too far to the East, but none the less the Russians, after a
fashion, agreed to it.
Most of those whose opinions I respect believe that it was wrong to
give the Austrian Tyrol to Italy. Despite those views, I have always
believed that the decision was defensible.
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Different American experts of the highest qualifications, of the utmost
sincerity and of complete impartiality took different views as to Fiume
and the Italian-Yugo-Slav frontier generally. In such circumstances,
who could say, what tribunal could decide, the "just" frontier?
I am willing to admit that this uncertainty on the question of justice
may not exist in every case. I have always believed that some of the
cessions of territory forced on Bulgaria were utterly indefensible from
any point of view whatsoever. I refer, not to Macedonia, that
impossible jumble of contradictions, but more particularly to Western
Thrace.
My own view is that, on the whole and taken by and large, the existing
frontiers in Europe are more near to justice than ever before in modern
history.
But I am going to assume for the rest of this discussion that some of
these frontiers are wrong and should be changed. What is our answer to
that situation?