The Negro and the elective franchise. A series of papers and a sermon
John Stuart Mill · en
There is another position from which this question may be viewed and
that is whether the advantages from schools would be lessened or
increased from participation in politics. It is quite evident that
without the ballot any people are suppliant and must beg rather than
make a manly demand. But, assuming that the lack of the ballot has
become a condition with us, would a demand or threat about our ballot
result in a counter threat that if we forced the issue, we should not
only be denied our ballot, but that for our arrogance the appropriation
for Colored public schools would be cut down and we should receive only
what we paid in as our share of the school tax? This too, is no dream;
but has actually been considered by colored men as a possible reason for
not causing such antagonism as would arise from Colored men endeavoring
to enter aggressively into politics again.
What now about fears for disfranchisement such as has been compassed by
the revised constitutions in many Southern states? Some one may say that
there is no difference between constitutional disfranchisement and that
_quasi_ disfranchisement effective for all practical purposes such as we
have spoken of as now obtaining in Georgia. There is a tremendous
difference. If a wave of civic righteousness should sweep over those
states still without constitutional disfranchisement, the primaries
would be a very slight embarrassment to those willing to do right by all
races alike; while in the states possessing constitutional
disfranchisement, the reactionaries would have such means of stopping
fair play and honest elections free for all, that they could easily
check the purpose of the fair-minded citizens for a long while.