Egoists, A Book of Supermen: Stendhal, Baudelaire, Flaubert, Anatole France, Huysmans, Barrès, Nietzsche, Blake, Ibsen, Stirner, and Ernest Hello
Nietzsche · en
The mixed blood in the veins of Ibsen may account for his temperament;
he was more Danish than Norwegian, and there were German and Scotch
strains in his ancestry. Such obscure forces of heredity doubtless
played a rôle in his career. Norwegian in his love of freedom, Danish
in his artistic bent, his philosophic cast of mind was wholly Teutonic.
Add to these a possible theologic prepossession derived from the
Scotch, a dramatic technique in which Scribe and Sophocles are not
absent, and we have to deal with a disquieting problem. Ibsen was a
mystery to his friends and foes. Hence the avidity with which he is
claimed by idealists, realists, socialists, anarchists, symbolists,
by evangelical folk, and by agnostics. There were in him many
contradictory elements. Denounced as a pessimist, all his great plays
have, notwithstanding, an unmistakable message of hope, from Brand to
When We Dead Awake. An idealist he is, but one who has realised the
futility of dreams; like all world-satirists, he castigates to purify.
His realism is largely a matter of surfaces, and if we care to look
we may find the symbol lodged in the most prosaic of his pieces. His
anarchy consists in a firm adherence to the doctrine of individualism;
Emerson and Thoreau are of his spiritual kin. In both there is the
contempt for mob-rule, mob-opinion; for both the minority is the true
rational unit; and with both there is a certain aloofness from mankind.
Yet we do not denounce Emerson or Thoreau as enemies of the people. To
be candid, Ibsen's belief in the rights of the individual is rather
naïve and antiquated, belonging as it does to the tempestuous period of
'48. Max Stirner was far in advance of the playwright in his political
and menacing egoism; while Nietzsche, who loathed democracy, makes
Ibsen's aristocracy timid by comparison.
Ibsen can hardly be called a philosophic anarch, for the body of
doctrine, either political or moral, deducible from his plays is so
perplexing by reason of its continual affirmation and negation, so
blurred by the kaleidoscopic clash of character, that one can only fuse
these mutually exclusive qualities by realising him as a dramatist
who has created a microcosmic world; in a word, we must look upon the
man as a creator of dramatic character not as a theorist. And his
characters have all the logical illogicality of life.