The Will to Power: An Attempted Transvaluation of All Values. Book III and IV
Nietzsche · en
Society, to-day, is full of consideration, tact, and reticence, and of
good-natured respect for other people's rights--even for the exactions
of strangers. To an even greater degree is there a certain charitable
and instinctive depreciation of the worth of man as shown by all
manner of trustful habits. Respect for men, and not only for the most
virtuous, is perhaps the real parting of the ways between us and the
Christian mythologists also have our good share of irony even when
listening to moral sermons. He who preaches morality to us debases
himself in our eyes and becomes almost comical. Liberal-mindedness
regarding morality is one of the best signs of our age. In cases where
it is most distinctly wanting, we regard it as a sign of a morbid
condition (the case of Carlyle in England, of Ibsen in Norway, and
Schopenhauer's pessimism throughout Europe). If there is anything
which can reconcile us to our own age, it is precisely the amount
of immorality which it allows itself without falling in its own
estimation--very much the reverse! In what, then, does the superiority
of culture over the want of culture consist--of the Renaissance, for
instance, over the Middle Ages? In this alone: the greater quantity of
acknowledged immorality. From this it necessarily follows that the very
_zenith_ of human development _must_ be regarded by the moral fanatic
as the _non plus ultra_ of corruption (in this connection let us recall
Savonarola's judgment of Florence, Plato's indictment of Athens under
Pericles, Luther's condemnation of Rome, Rousseau's anathemas against
the society of Voltaire, and Germany's hostility to Goethe).
A little more fresh air, for Heaven's sake! This ridiculous condition
of Europe _must_ not last any longer. Is there a single idea behind
this bovine nationalism? What possible value can there be in
encouraging this arrogant self-conceit when everything to-day points
to greater and more common interests?--at a moment when the spiritual
dependence and denationalisation, which are obvious to all, are paving
the way for the reciprocal _rapprochements_ and fertilisations which
make up the real value and sense of present-day culture! ... And it is
precisely now that "the new German Empire" has been founded upon the
most thread-bare and discredited of ideas--universal suffrage and equal
right for all.
Think of all this struggling for advantage among conditions which are
in every way degenerate: of this culture of big cities, of newspapers,
of hurry and scurry, and of "aimlessness"! The economic unity of
Europe must necessarily come--and with it, as a reaction, the pacivist
movement.
A pacivist party, free from all sentimentality, which forbids its
children to wage war; which forbids recourse to courts of justice;
which forswears all fighting, all contradiction, and all persecution:
for a while the party of the oppressed, and later the powerful
party:--this party would be opposed to everything in the shape of
revenge and resentment.