A higher culture can only originate where there are two distinct castes
of society: that of the working class, and that of the leisured class
who are capable of true leisure; or, more strongly expressed, the caste
of compulsory labour and the caste of free labour. 1, 319
Against war it may be said that it makes the victor stupid and the
vanquished revengeful. In favour of war it may be said that it
barbarises in both its above-named results, and thereby makes more
natural; it is the sleep or the winter period of culture; man emerges
from it with greater strength for good and for evil. 1, 322
As regards Socialism, in the eyes of those who always consider higher
utility, if it is _really_ a rising against their oppressors of
those who for centuries have been oppressed and downtrodden, there
is no problem of _right_ involved (notwithstanding the ridiculous,
effeminate question, "How far _ought_ we to grant its demands?") but
only a problem of _power_ ("How far _can_ we make use of its demands?")
1, 322
Well may noble (if not exactly very intelligent) representatives of
the governing classes asseverate: "We will treat men equally and grant
them equal rights"; so far a socialistic mode of thought which is based
on _justice_ is possible; but, as has been said, only within the ranks
of the governing class, which in this case _practises_ justice with
sacrifices and abnegations. On the other hand, to _demand_ equality of
rights, as do the Socialists of the subject caste, is by no means the
outcome of justice, but of covetousness. If you expose bloody pieces of
flesh to a beast, and withdraw them again, until it finally begins to
roar, do you think that roaring implies justice? 1, 326-327
When the Socialists point out that the division of property at the
present day is the consequence of countless deeds of injustice and
violence, and, _in summa,_ repudiate obligation to anything with
so unrighteous a basis, they only perceive something isolated. The
entire past of ancient civilisation is built up on violence, slavery,
deception, and error; we, however, cannot annul ourselves, the heirs of
all these conditions, nay, the concrescences of all this past, and are
not entitled to demand the withdrawal of a single fragment thereof.
1, 327
Those who are bent on revolutionising society may be divided into
those who seek something for themselves thereby and those who seek
something for their children and grandchildren. The latter are the
more dangerous, for they have the belief and the good conscience of
disinterestedness. 1, 329