A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the Pyrenees — John Shaqi
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the PyreneesOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the Pyrenees
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
Wellington had always been aware that Burgos was fortified, but during
his advance he had spoken freely of his intention to capture it. On
September 3rd he had written, ‘I have some heavy guns with me, and
have an idea of forcing the siege of Burgos--but that still depends
on circumstances[29].’ Four days later he wrote at Valladolid, ‘I am
preparing to drive away the detachments of the Army of Portugal from
the Douro, and I propose, if I have time, to take Burgos[30].’ Yet
at the same moment he kept impressing on his correspondents that his
march to the North was a temporary expedient, a mere _parergon_; his
real business would be with Soult, and he must soon be back at Madrid
with his main body. It is this that makes so inexplicable his lingering
for a month before Dubreton’s castle, when he had once discovered
that it would not fall, as he had hoped, in a few days. After his
first failure before the place, he acknowledged it might possibly foil
him altogether. Almost at the start he ventured the opinion that ‘As
far as I can judge, I am apprehensive that the means I have are not
sufficient to enable me to take the Castle.’ Yet he thought it worth
while to try irregular methods: ‘the enemy are ill-provided with water;
their magazines of provisions are in a place exposed to be set on fire.
I think it possible, therefore, that I have it in my power to force
them to surrender, although I may not be able to lay the place open to
assault[31].’
The cardinal weakness of Wellington’s position was exactly the same
as at the Salamanca forts, three months back. He had no sufficient
battering-train for a regular siege: after the Salamanca experience it
is surprising that he allowed himself to be found for a second time
in this deficiency. There were dozens of heavy guns in the arsenal at
Madrid, dozens more (Marmont’s old siege-train) at Ciudad Rodrigo and
Almeida. But Madrid was 130 miles away, Rodrigo 180. With the army
there was only Alexander Dickson’s composite Anglo-Portuguese artillery
reserve, commanded by Major Ariaga, and consisting of three iron
18-pounders, and five 24-pounder howitzers, served by 150 gunners--90
British, 60 Portuguese. The former were good battering-guns; the
howitzers, however, were not--they were merely short guns of position,
very useless for a siege, and very inaccurate in their fire. They threw
a heavy ball, but with weak power--the charge was only two pounds
of powder: the shot when fired at a stout wall, from any distance,
had such weak impact that it regularly bounded off without making
any impression on the masonry. The only real use of these guns was
for throwing case at short distances. ‘In estimating the efficient
ordnance used at the Spanish sieges,’ says the official historian of
the Burgos failure, ‘these howitzers ought in fairness to be excluded
from calculation, as they did little more than waste invaluable
ammunition[32].’ This was as well known to Wellington as to his
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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