An historical and moral view of the origin and progress of the French Revolution; and the effect it has produced in EuropeWollstonecraft, Mary
Philosophy
An historical and moral view of the origin and progress of the French Revolution; and the effect it has produced in Europe
Wollstonecraft, Mary
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
Thus far he seems to have acted with some degree of prudence, at least;
but, inattentive to the robust strength which the public opinion had
then acquired, he wavered as to the mode of constituting the
states-general, whilst the parliament passed a decree to prevent their
assembling in any other manner than they did in 1614. This obstinate
pretention to legislate for the nation was no longer to be tolerated,
when they opposed the wishes of the people: yet, with the common
instinct of corporate bodies, they wrapped themselves up in the
precedents that proved their winding-sheet, provoking universal
contempt; for the herculean force of the whole empire was now clearing
away every obstacle to freedom.
At this critical moment, the minister, enjoying great popularity, had it
in his power, could he have governed the court, to have suggested a
system, which might ultimately have proved acceptable to all parties;
and thus have prevented that dreadful convulsion, which has shook the
kingdom from one extremity to the other. Instead of that, he convened a
second time the _notables_, to take their opinion on a subject,
respecting which the public had already decided, not daring himself to
sanction it’s decision. The strongest proof he could give, that his mind
was not sufficiently elastic to expand with the opening views of the
people; and that he did not possess the eye of genius, which, quickly
distinguishing what is possible, enables a statesman to act with firm
dignity, resting on his own centre.
Carried away by the general impulsion, with the inconsiderate fervour of
men, whose hearts always grow hard as they cool, when they have been
warmed by some sudden glow of enthusiasm or sympathy, the _notables_
showed, by their subsequent conduct, that, though they had been led by
eloquence to support some questions of a patriotic tendency, they had
not the principles necessary to impel them to give up local advantages,
or personal prerogatives, for the good of the whole community, in which
they were only eventually to share. Indeed romantic virtue, or
friendship, seldom goes further than professions; because it is merely
the effect of that fondness for imitating great, rather than acquiring
moderate qualities, common to vain people.
The _notables_ had now two essential points to settle; namely, to
regulate the election of the deputies, and how they were afterwards to
vote. The population and wealth of several provinces, from commercial
advantages and other causes, had given a new face to the country since
the former election; so much so, that, if the ancient division were
adhered to, the representation could not fail to be very unequal. Yet if
the natural order of population were followed, the grand question of
voting by orders or by voices seemed to be prejudged by the great
increase of the members of the _tiers-etat_.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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