when I discuss his notion of empire and his attitude towards our colonies, that his ideals of Great Britain’s destiny and responsibility flow straight from this ruling outlook. The same consideration applies to the many other problems which I shall discuss in the light of Disraeli’s relations to them. Throughout, in one form or another, and in many applications, the free play of responsible individuality forms the keynote. He constantly opposes it alike to the barren uniformity of republican models, and to the centralising dictatorship whether of groups or of tyrants. He contrasts the personal with the mechanical. The State in his eyes should prove the sympathetic expression of the whole community. These aspects will find ample exposition hereafter. In this place I wish only to quote their bold and broad emphasis in the unfamiliar pamphlet of _What is he?_ with one citation from which I opened this chapter. It will explain those passages in his _Runnymede Letters_ and _The Spirit of Whiggism_, where he expects and adjures Peel to head a “national party” and to replace confederacies by a creed. It will also illustrate that passage in the election address to High Wycombe during 1832, which preludes his mission as the renewer of a popular Conservatism. “... Englishmen, behold the unparalleled empire raised by the heroic energies of your fathers, rouse yourselves in this hour of doubt and danger, rid yourselves of all that political jargon and factious slang of Whig and Tory, two names with one meaning, used only to delude you, and unite in forming a great national party....” “The first object of a statesman,” he says (and he was then barely twenty-nine years of age), “is a _strong Government_, without which there can be no security. Of all countries in the world, England most requires one, since the prosperity of no society so much depends upon public confidence as that of the British nation.” He then declares that the old principle of exclusion (common alike to the Whig oligarchs and the debased Toryism of Eldon) is dead. “... The moment the Lords passed the Reform Bill from menace instead of conviction, the aristocratic principle of government in this country, in my opinion, expired for ever.” The democratic principle becomes necessary to maintain a Government at all. “If the Tories,” he continues, “indeed despair of restoring the aristocratic principle, and are sincere in their avowal that the State cannot be governed with the present machinery, it is their duty to coalesce with the Radicals,[47] and permit both political nicknames to merge into the common, the intelligible, and the dignified title of a national party.”[48] He proceeds to prove in a few decisive strokes that the towns are now the safeguards against any military invasion of rights, and that a coalition between the then Whigs and the then Tories is impossible; the only alternative, therefore, is the inclusion of the democratic principle.