Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empireHaarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
History
Schools of Gaul in the last century of the Western Empire : $b A study of pagan and Christian education in the last century of the Western empire
Haarhoff, T. J. (Theodore Johannes)
Education, Ancient -- France; Gaul -- History -- 58 B.C.-511 A.D.
Not that the feeling against Rome entirely disappeared. The Gauls
objected to the luxury of the Roman emperors,[169] and we have such
incidents as the Treveri shutting their gates to Decentius, brother
of Magnentius.[170] Lampridius speaks of ‘Gallicanae mentes ... durae
ac pertorridae, et saepe imperatoribus graves’.[171] Zosimus tells
us that after the fall of the usurper Constantine[172] in A.D. 411
the whole of the Armorican land cast out its Roman rulers. But in the
main the Roman machine worked efficiently enough by keeping the border
tribes busy with feuds among themselves, and the mass of the people
with oppressive exactions. There are many references to the loyalty of
Gaul, from the exulting cry of Cicero in the _Philippics_[173] to the
enthusiasm of Rutilius Namatianus. Pliny[174] calls Narbonensis ‘Italia
verius quam provincia’. Claudian represents the whole of Gaul as fighting
for Stilicho,[175] Gaul which supplies the Empire with soldiers.[176]
Before him the panegyrists of the emperors—the majority of whom were
Gauls—had been loud in their testimonies of Gaul’s loyalty. The orator
of Autun[177] boasts (A.D. 311) that his city, rejoicing then in the
imperial title of ‘Flavia Aeduorum’, had been the only one to join the
Romans of its own free will—though Caesar records the subjugation of the
Aedui in much the same way as that of the other tribes. Of purer fidelity
than Massilia or Saguntum, the Aedui are ‘ingenua et simplici caritate
fratres populi Romani’. The hollowness of the speaker’s rhetoric deceives
no one; but it shows that there was at least a large part of Gaul which
considered such speeches ‘the correct thing’, and that confidence in
Rome’s destiny was widely felt: the fate-appointed eternal city,
whose menacing enemies had all been rooted out.[178] Much more genuine
is Rutilius. He feels that Gaul is his native country,[179] but the
enthusiasm he shows for Rome is more than the mere official utterance of
a Praefect of the City. There is real inspiration in his lines, in spite
of Gibbon’s opinion that he was only an ‘ingenious traveller’.[180]
Te canimus semperque, sinent dum fata, canemus:
sospes nemo potest immemor esse tui,
obruerint citius scelerata oblivia solem,
quam tuus ex nostro corde recedat honos.[181]
Even if conquered peoples chafe under the yoke of Rome at first, Rutilius
is confident that it is all for their good:
Profuit invitis, te dominante, capi.
The great achievement of the Empire is that it made a city of the world:
‘urbem fecisti quod prius orbis erat’. Rome, he maintains, is greater
than her deeds: ‘Quod regnas minus est quam quod regnare mereris’. And as
her buildings dazzle his sight, he exclaims in admiration:
Ipsos crediderim sic habitare deos.[182]
The whole of Gaul was not equally loyal. While the South remained
predominantly Roman to the end, the North, ‘audax Germania’, Claudian
calls it,[183] was less friendly, and its hostility increased as time
went on.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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