is some ground for the conjecture, however, that the death of Wardān Khudāh had occurred in the interval and that Qutayba was opposed only by the local forces[47]. This may also explain the hesitation of the forces of Samarqand to intervene. The battle before the walls of Bukhārā is described by _T_abarī in a long Tamīmite tradition reminiscent of the ancient “days,” but the actual capture of the city is left to be inferred. This siege is transferred to Wardāna by Vámbéry (_cf._ _Heart of Asia_ p. 52) probably on the authority of the Persian _T_abarī (Zotenberg IV. 165), but Narshakhī, _T_abarī and all other authorities quite definitely refer to Bukhārā. Abū ʿUbayda’s tradition (Bal. 420) of capture by treachery is at best a confusion with the capture of Samarqand. All the details given in Narshakhī relative to Qutayba’s organisation of Bukhārā do not refer to this year; most probably the only immediate measures taken were the imposition of a tribute of 200,000 dirhems and the occupation of the citadel by an Arab garrison. A diplomatic success followed the victory at Bukhārā. _T_arkhūn, king of Samarqand, opened negotiations with Qutayba, who was represented by the commander of his Persian corps, _H_ayyān an-Naba_t_ī, and terms were agreed upon, probably on the basis of the old treaty made by Salm ibn Ziyād. _T_arkhūn gave hostages for the payment of tribute and Qutayba began the march back to Merv. _Consolidation and Advance._ If the Arabs returned in the autumn of 90/709 elated with their success, they were soon given fresh cause for anxiety. Nēzak, finally realising that all hope of recovering independence must be extinguished if Arab rule was strengthened in Khurāsān, and perhaps putting down to weakness Qutayba’s willingness to gain his ends if possible by diplomacy, determined on a last effort to overthrow Muslim sovereignty in Lower _T_ukhāristān, at the moment when it was least to be expected. Having obtained permission to revisit his home, he left Qutayba at Āmul and made for Balkh, but escaped to _T_ukhāristān in order to avoid re-arrest. From here he corresponded with the rulers of Balkh, Merv Rūdh, _T_ālaqān, Fāryāb, and Jūzjān, urging them to undertake a concerted rising in the spring. The king of Chaghāniān seems to have refused to countenance the conspiracy, but the weak Jabghu of _T_ukhāristān was induced, possibly by force, to make common cause with Nēzak, who hoped doubtless by this means to unite all the subject princes in defence of their suzerain.